Friday, 23 July 2010

The Complete Works of Gerrard Winstanley -Thomas N. Corns (Editor), Ann Hughes (Editor), David Loewenstein (Editor) OUP Oxford (24 Dec. 2009)

“Not a full year since, being quiet at my work, my heart was filled with sweet thoughts... That the earth shall be made a common treasury of livlihood to whole mankind, without respect of persons; yet my mind was not at rest, because nothing was acted, and thoughts run in me that words and writings were all nothing and must die, for action is the life of all, and if thou dost not act, thou dost nothing”.– Gerrard Winstanley

"The life of this dark kingly power, which you have made an act of Parliament and oath to cast out, if you search it to the bottom, you shall see it lies within the iron chest of cursed covetousness, who gives the earth to some part of mankind and denies it to another part of mankind: and that part that hath the earth, hath no right from the law of creation to take it to himself and shut out others; but he took it away violently by theft and murder in conquest." The Law of Freedom in a Platform

The release of the complete works of Gerrard Winstanley was and is a major historical event. A vast collection of Winstanley’s writings in one place was decades overdue. Put together by three well-respected scholars the edition will be seen by future historians as a definitive edition.

The editors have drawn on the previous work of John Gurney and James Alsop among others. This edition also contains original archival discoveries. The collection also contains extensive notes which denote a substantial amount of work undertaken in the archives.

It is fitting that the new volumes are dedicated to the memory of Christopher Hill who carried out an incredibly important piece work to place the Digger movement and the “True Leveller” Winstanley in an objective and historical materialist context.

Hill, in his seminal study, The World Turned Upside Down, believed that Winstanley and his Diggers, “have something to say to twentieth-century socialists”. In this, he meant that they were an anticipation of future struggles. Hill was cognizant that despite their radicalism, the social and economic conditions had not yet matured for them to carry out a “second revolution” which would have seen the overthrow of Cromwell and broader use of the popular franchise. Despite over thirty years of revisionist attacks on Hill’s work The World Turned Upside Down continues to be the defining work that historians have to work around.

It has unfortunately not stopped revisionist historians from attacking his work, Michael Braddick describes the modus operandi of the revisionists who “have tried to cut the English revolution down to size or to cast it in its own terms. In so doing, they naturally also cast a critical eye over the reputation and contemporary significance of its radical heroes. In Winstanley’s case, this led to an emphasis both on the strangeness of his thought for twentieth-century socialists and on the fact that he was a Digger leader only briefly in a long and, in many other ways, very respectable life. His Digger year, 1649, falls in the middle of four years of prolific and exhilarating publication, but that period of his life appears in the historical record as an irruption into an otherwise rather unremarkable and anonymous biography”.[1]

This deliberate playing down of Winstanley and the Diggers, importance is nowhere more clearly expressed than in the writings of the late Mark Kishlansky. According to Kishlansky, Winstanley was “a small businessman who began his career wholesaling cloth, ended it wholesaling grain, and in between sandwiched a mid-life crisis of epic proportions. For revisionists, the years when the world was turned upside down stand in the same relation to the course of English history as Winstanley’s wild years either side of his fortieth birthday due to his subsequent life as a churchwarden”.

To answer Kishlansky, it is not the point to talk up or talk down Winstanley and the Diggers but to place him and them in the proper context of the English Revolution. It is true that Winstanley was a businessman, but his radicalism coincided with one of the most revolutionary chapters in English history. This shows us that at certain times, men and women are moved by such profound events such as wars and revolution. Their thoughts and actions may move at a glacial pace in calmer times; during revolutions, they speed up dramatically.

Kishlanksky does inadvertently raises an important question. What was the relationship between Winstanley’s religion, his economic status and his politics? As the Marxist writer Cliff Slaughter says “for the understanding of some of the great problems of human history, the study of religion is a necessity. What is the relationship between the social divisions among men and their beliefs about the nature of things? How do ruling classes ensure long periods of acceptance of their rule by those they oppress? Why was the ‘Utopians’ wrong in thinking that it was sufficient only to work out a reasonable arrangement of social relations to proceed to its construction? It was out of the examination of questions like this in the German school of criticism of religion that Marx emerged to present for the first time a scientific view of society. ‘The criticism of religion is the beginning of all criticism”[2].

Biography

An essential part of the two volumes is that it establishes a much more accurate record of Gerrard Winstanley’s life. It substantially complements the Oxford Dictionary of National Biographies article by J.C Davies and J. D.Alsop very well[3].

Davies and Alsop’s article should be studied with extreme caution. The historians both come from a conservative strand of historiography. Their article plays down Winstanley’s communistic beliefs and places his radicalism in the camp of religion rather than an early form of socialism, Davies and Alsop write  “The central historical puzzle remains: how could someone who came from and returned to a conventional, or quiescent, background has articulated a thoroughgoing repudiation of the values and institutions of his society, based on a penetrating analysis of its underlying weaknesses? One approach has been to impute an intellectual debt to others—Thomas More, Francis Bacon, the Familists, or other sectarians—but there is no evidence to sustain these links. Another has been to emphasise the radical nature of his thought—the discursive breach with his contemporaries—either by an intellectual leap into predominantly secular modes of thought or, by contrast, through drawing on occult or hermeticist thinking. Neither claim stands up to a reading of his work as a whole”.

It may be more instructive to see him as revealing of the transformative potentials inherent in vernacular scripture and protestant social thought as well as within the tensions of early modern communities polarised by economic inequality but straining for communal self-government. He was not the only writer of his time to suggest the inequitable and unchristian nature of private property and it's unequal distribution or that applied Christianity would end material inequalities, or that the millennium will bring this about if men would not. But he was the most systematic in formulating alternatives, the most prepared to argue through the relationship between God and the creation which justified a more equitable society and the divine history which was bringing it to pass, as well as the most remorseless in pursuing the logic of the rhetoric of the English revolution as a way to persuade his contemporaries of the justice of this vision. In short, Winstanley and his ideas remain pivotal for the understanding of the limits of the possible within seventeenth-century discourse and action”[4].

Winstanley was born in 1609 and died 10 September 1676, long life by 17th century standards. Although much of his early life remains a mystery, he was the son of Edward Winstanley. In 1630 he moved to  London and took up an apprenticeship, and in 1638, he was a freeman of the Merchant Tailors' Company.

His adult life is unremarkable he married Susan King, who was the daughter of London surgeon William King, in 1639. It is clear that without the English revolution, his life would have probably moved at the same pedestrian pace as before. However, like many, his world was turned upside down. His business took a beating during the early part of the war, and in 1643 he was made bankrupt. He moved to Cobham, Surrey, where he found unskilled work as a cowherd.

During the highpoint of the English bourgeois revolution from 1648 to 1649, he issued five religious tracts; these tracts are in the two-volume set of his complete writings. It is known that in early 1649, Winstanley and William Everard met with a small number of similarly minded men to dig on common land on St George’s Hill in Walton parish, near Cobham.

Winstanley’s perspective was put into practice through the occupation of land. In 1650 he felt bold enough to send out others to expand the Digging. The South of England and areas of the Midlands were settled.

Michael Braddick believes “Winstanley’s five earliest tracts were prompted by the anxiety and suffering of the war years: the certainty that this crisis was in some sense divine in origin, and intended as a prompt to sinners to seek reformation, was for many people matched by disabling uncertainty about what form that reformation should take. Winstanley’s writings offered comfort and spiritual advice that was essentially personal, directing believers to look inside themselves, and that led increasingly towards criticism of scripture and learned commentary as guides to practical action”.

Perhaps Winstanley’s most remarkable body of work is The New Law of Righteousness. In this, he argued for a form of Christian/Communism.

Verses 44 and 45 of the Book of Acts, outline his fundamental core beliefs "All who believed were together and had all things in common; they would sell their possessions and goods and distribute the proceeds to all, as any had need. At the beginning of time, God made the earth. Not one word was spoken at the beginning that one branch of mankind should rule over another, but selfish imaginations did set up one man to teach and rule over another."[5]

It is possible to trace Winstanley’s radical thought in The New Law of Righteousness back through history. While I do not share some historians perspective that England had an unbroken line of radicalism, it clear that Winstanley draws inspiration from previous radicals such as Watt Tyler and the Peasants' Revolt (1381)and the European Anabaptists. Much of Winstanley and that of the Diggers thought was a primitive form of Christian Communism. Although the writer David Petegorsky has argued that "to search for the sources of Winstanley's theological conceptions would be as futile as to attempt to identify the streams that have contributed to the bucket of water one has drawn from the sea." [6]

Hill was very fond of Petegorsky’s work saying "Petegorsky's book was a shining light in the dark days of 1940. It is a pioneering study of Gerrard Winstanley, and it still offers the best analysis of his ideas. Petegorsky's book did not attract the attention it deserved. Petegorsky, alas, did not live to publish the major works which would have transformed our understanding of the English Revolution."[7]

In A Declaration from the Poor Oppressed People of England Winstanley elaborated this egalitarian viewpoint  "The power of enclosing land and owning property was brought into the creation by your ancestors by the sword; which first did murder their fellow creatures, men, and after plunder or steal away their land, and left this land successively to you, their children. And therefore, though you did not kill or thieve, yet you hold that cursed thing in your hand by the power of the sword; and so you justify the wicked deeds of your fathers, and that sin of your fathers shall be visited upon the head of you and your children to the third and fourth generation, and longer too, till your bloody and thieving power be rooted out of the land".[8]
In The Law of Freedom, you can see the influence of European Anabaptists who believed that all institutions were by their nature, corrupt. Winstanley agrees with their early anarchism. When he states " nature tells us that if water stands long, it corrupts; whereas running water keeps sweet and is fit for common use". Winstanley believed that in order to combat this corrupting nature, called for all officials to be elected every year. "When public officers remain long in the place of judicature they will degenerate from the bounds of humility, honesty and tender care of brethren, in regard the heart of man is so subject to be overspread with the clouds of covetousness, pride, vain glory”.

Winstanley's most well-known work is The Law of Freedom published in February 1652 and written after the failure of the commune. The failure of which must have hit Winstanley hard both physically and intellectually because his next move was to appeal to Cromwell who had no intention of helping.

Winstanley appeal was in vain “now you have the power of the land in your hand, you must do one of these two things. First, either set the land free to the oppressed commoners, who assisted you, and paid the Army their wages; and then you will fulfil the Scriptures and your engagements, and so take possession of your deserved honour. Or secondly, you must only remove the Conqueror's power out of the King's hand into other men's, maintaining the old laws still."[9]

"For you (Cromwell) must either establish Commonwealth's freedom in power, making provision for everyone's peace, which is righteousness, or else you must set up Monarchy again. Monarchy is twofold, either for one king to reign or for many to reign by kingly promotion. And if either one king rules or many rule by king's principles, much murmuring, grudges, trouble and quarrels may and will arise among the oppressed people on every gained opportunity."

In the pamphlet True Levellers Standard Advanced, Winstanley sought to develop his ideas regarding future developments. Many of his arguments were later to become standard socialist perspectives. The Digger communes were only the first part of a programme that would see people refusing to ‘work’ for rich people. The land would be ‘a common treasury for all'.
Nobody would be for hire, and the Diggers would not hire themselves. Rent would be a thing of the past. In their day, these attitudes were revolutionary. However, the SWP (Socialist Workers Party) and some other radical organisations have tended to equate this type of action with a 20th-century proletariat withdrawing its labour from the capitalist class in a sort of general strike. While communistic in its approach it must be said we are talking about a working class that’s in a very embryonic state, not an industrial proletariat led by a Communist party. The fact that Cromwell and his allies in the rising bourgeoisie could easily defeat the Diggers both politically and militarily tends to confirm my point.

John Gurney’s Winstanley and the Left

According to John Gurney Marxist writers in the 19th century such as Eduard Bernstein and Karl Kautsky believed that Winstanley’s work had provided a framework for a new socialist society.
The author of The Common People (1984) John F. Harrison,believed: "Winstanley has an honoured place in the pantheon of the Left as a pioneer communist. In the history of the common people, he is also representative of that other minority tradition of popular religious radicalism, which, although it reached a crescendo during the Interregnum, had existed since the Middle Ages and was to continue into modern times. Totally opposed to the established church and also separate from (yet at times overlapping) orthodox puritanism, was a third culture which was lower-class and heretical. At its centre was a belief in the direct relationship between God and man, without the need of any institution or formal rites. Emphasis was on inner spiritual experience and obedience to the voice of God within each man and woman."[10]

Gurney’s last essay Gerrard Winstanley and the Left is a very significant piece of work. It lays the critical groundwork for a further examination of the left's attitude towards the English revolution. Gurney understood when writing about left-wing historiography on the English Revolution that you had to be aware of the pratfalls, especially when writing about the Communist Party Historians Group. One must be cognizant of the enormous amount of Stalinist baggage these historians carried around. It must be said that some of this baggage was not always in perfect condition.

In many ways, this essay is a microcosm of Gurney’s whole body of work. He was very much at the height of his powers when he wrote this article. Gurney acknowledges that it is only recently that the words of Winstanley have been fully appreciated.  However, he believed that it is not the case that nothing of note was written before the 20th century. He thought that Winstanley’s ‘extraordinarily rich body of writings’ were read and studied between the years 1651 and the 1890s.

As he wrote in the essay “The historical legacy of the Diggers is usually seen as being very different from that of their contemporaries, the Levellers. If the Levellers were misremembered, the Diggers have been understood as being primarily forgotten before the 1890s, with professional historians playing little part in their rediscovery.  It took, we are told, the Marxist journalist and politician Eduard Bernstein to rediscover Winstanley quite independently of academic historians when he spent part of his exile in London working on the section on seventeenth-century English radical thinkers for Karl Kautsky’s Die Vorla¨ufer des neueren Sozialismus.

Later, in the 1940s, it was Marxist historians associated with the Communist Party of Great Britain who is said to have picked up Bernstein’s baton and created the image of a communist and materialist Winstanley which remains familiar to this day. The left’s responsibility for, and role in, the rediscovery and promotion of the Diggers can, therefore, seem quite clear and uncomplicated. There are, however, several problems with this interpretation. For one thing, the Diggers had, before the 1890s, never fallen from public view to the extent often imagined. It seems that they were reasonably well known over the centuries — and perhaps even more accurately remembered than the mainstream Levellers, who were often confused with them. It is also evident that early detailed research on the Diggers was not confined to the left and that Bernstein was by no means alone in taking an interest in Winstanley’s writings in the 1890s”.

He continues"the Russians have a saying: ‘The past is unpredictable.’ So it has proved for Gerrard Winstanley. For all but one of his 67 years, he lived in obscurity, and then he died forgotten. Generations of historians passed over him either in silence or derision. He entirely eluded the notice of the Earl of Clarendon in the 17th century and of David Hume in the 18th. Even the Jacobin William Godwin, the first champion of the Civil War radicals, judged his exploits ‘scarcely worthy of being recorded’, and S.R. Gardiner’s comprehensive history of the Commonwealth contained only two references to him, one a bare mention of his name. Then in the early 20th century, Winstanley was rediscovered, and he has exerted a magnetic pull on left-leaning intellectuals ever since. He is variously credited as the father of English communism, socialism or environmentalism, depending on which is seeking paternity. His notice in the Victorian DNB was a scant 700 words; in the new DNB, it has ballooned to more than 8000. Now he has been canonised by the publication of an Oxford edition of his complete works, the second complete works in a century, more than have been accorded either Hobbes or Locke”.[11]

Gurney spent most of his life studying the area around where he lived. However, his work on the Diggers and Gerard Winstanley was far from parochial. In many ways, he was instrumental in bringing a fresh perspective to the Diggers and Winstanley. He produced two books on them Brave Community: The Digger Movement in the English Revolution published in 2007 and Gerrard Winstanley: The Digger’s Life and Legacy of 2013[2].  Both books took our understanding of the Diggers to a new level.

Gurney was clear that the study of Winstanley should not solely be of historical value but must have a contemporary resonance. He says: “Today knowledge of Winstanley is widespread, and he has become one of the best-known figures from the period of the English Revolution. There have been numerous plays, novels, TV dramas, songs and films, and Winstanley has often been cited as an inspirational figure by politicians of the left.

More specifically, his ideas and achievements have remained prescient, inspiring generations of activists and social movements”. He believed that Winstanley “has in recent years also been invoked by freeganism, squatters, guerrilla gardeners, allotment campaigners, social entrepreneurs, greens and peace campaigners; and both Marxists and libertarians have laid claim Who was to him as a significant precursor”.

The Diggers and Levellers were part of a group of men that sought to understand the profound political and social changes that were taking place at the beginning of the 17th century. They were the real ‘Ideologues of the revolution’ and had a specific capacity for abstract thought. While the Diggers were sympathetic to the poor, which stemmed from their religion, they had no programme to bring about social change; they never advocated a violent overturning of society. Their class outlook, that being of small producers, conditioned their ideology. At no stage did the Diggers or that matter did the larger group the Levellers constitute a mass movement.

George Sabines

As most people interested in Winstanley will know these two volumes of collected works replace the work of the distinguished American political scientist and historian of political thought, G.H. Sabine. Sabine produced his work under challenging conditions during the beginning of the Second World War in 1941. Sabine did not have the luxury of the internet.

According to one writer it has “for almost 70 years, remained a serviceable edition of Winstanley's works and an invaluable resource for students of the English revolution. It was reprinted in 1965. However, increasingly it has come to seem marred by an outdated grasp of the biographical facts of the lives, both of Winstanley and his associates in the famous ‘digging’ experiments; by the discovery of some further, textual material; by an absence of annotation of the texts, and by Sabine's selectivity. While his edition remains reasonably comprehensive, Sabine reproduced only extracts of Winstanley's first three tracts, reducing what in the Oxford edition now amounts to 306 pages to about ten. Sabine's justification for this was partly space and ‘partly because less interest attaches to books written before Winstanley's discovery of communism’. But, as he demonstrated elsewhere in his introduction, the communism is almost impossible to understand without the religion”.

Over time Sabine’s viewpoint that Winstanley's politics were of a type ‘utopian socialism’ has come under sustained attack from the same revisionists who downplay Winstanley’s radicalism. While Sabine avoided completely secularising Winstanley's politics, his labelling Winstanley as a Utopian Socialists is not far off the mark. 
Conclusion

One writer posted this critical question To what extent, then, does the new edition and its apparatus represent a breakthrough or is it a consolidation of more recently received wisdom?.My feeling it is a combination of both. It should be left to future historians to make a judgement on the merits of this collection.

As Ariel Hessayon perceptively writes “for now at last Winstanley, the ‘foremost radical of the English Revolution’, who stands shoulder to shoulder with John Donne, Francis Bacon, John Milton, Andrew Marvell and John Bunyan as one of the ‘finest writers’ of a ‘glorious age of English non-fictional prose’ (vol. 1, p. 65) has an indispensable scholarly edition of his writings befitting both his undoubted literary talents and profound insights. A complete edition of his writings what is more, which will constitute the bedrock of future studies that ‘typically follow, rather than precede, the establishment of a complete and reliable text’.[12]







[1] Gerrard Winstanley: The Digger's Life and Legacy (Revolutionary Lives) Paperback – 20 Nov 2012
by John Gurney (Author)
[2] Cliff Slaughter-Religion and Social Revolt-www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/slaughter/1958/05/religion.html
[3] www-oxforddnb-com.
[4] https://www-oxforddnb-com.ezproxy2.londonlibrary.co.uk/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-29755?rskey=49ov9f&result=4
[5] Gerrard Winstanley, The New Law of Righteousness (1649)
[6] https://spartacus-educational.com/STUwinstanley.htm
[7] Left-Wing Democracy in the English Civil War
[8] https://www.bilderberg.org/land/poor.htm
[9] The Law of Freedom in a Platform- www.marxists.org/reference/archive/winstanley/1652/law-freedom/introduction.htm
[10] John F. Harrison, The Common People (1984) page 199
[11] Gerrard Winstanley and the Left-John Gurney-Past & Present, Volume 235, Issue 1, May 2017, Pages 179–206, https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtx017
[12] Reviews_in_History_-_The_Complete_Works_of_Gerrard_Winstanley_-_2012-03-08.pdf

Saturday, 17 July 2010

Niall Ferguson: A Walking Provocation

The fact that the right-wing Professor Niall Fergusson has been caught leading a campaign to attack a left-wing student he disagreed with should come as no surprise.

Fergusson has a record of pursuing a right-wing agenda both inside and outside academia. He is well known for his defence of British Colonialism or colonialism anywhere for that matter
While a lot has been made over the scandal what is being missed is the extent that Fergusson’s political activities are a defence of the process of commercialisation of universities and that anyone who comes into conflict with this state of affairs becomes the target of a witchhunt.

The Standford based historian was joined in his witchhunt by other members of the  Cardinal Conversations, which is a Stanford program run by the conservative Hoover Institution. This group aims to collect the most right-wing people possible and give them a legitimate hearing inside the university.

Standford’s link to the right-wing think tank Hoover Foundation is well known. It has a budget of $50 million and an endowment of more than $450 million.

As one writer put it  “There is no left-wing equivalent — a sizeable ideological think tank that intimately connected to a university — at any school in the United States.

Standford regularly invites, a veritable who’s who of right-wing writers and theorists, including race-and-IQ theorist Charles Murray, tech mogul Peter Thiel, and Christina Hoff Sommers, a prominent critic of modern feminism”.

Ferguson who appeared to be the leader of the group that believed the left wing student Michael Ocon was a danger to the group.

In an email to two other members of the Stanford Republicans, John Rice-Cameron and Max Minshull, he wrote that “some opposition research on Mr O worthwhile.” Minshull stated he would “get on” the dirt-digging.

More comments from this group are of a sinister and provocative nature. They would not look out of place in a Donald Trump Tweet.

Rice-Cameron wrote in one email that “slowly, we will continue to crush the Left’s will to resist, as they will crack under pressure.”

Ferguson wrote in another note, “now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee,” adding that “the price of liberty is eternal vigilance.”
While not on the same scale there are striking similarities to the Watergate Scandal in particular how Nixon mobilised the full apparatus of the state against the Democrats.

As one writer correctly stated “The whole saga is bizarre — and revealing. It illustrates a profound double game underpinning much of the so-called “free speech” controversy: a controversy that often isn’t really about freedom and is more concerned with power than with speech”.

While many commentators have concentrated on the danger to free speech within the universities, there has been no attempt to link the right-wing group of academics with the growing commercialisation of universities.

It is becoming clear that far from universities being places of study and research for the common good many are becoming nothing more than appendages to transnational corporations. The fact that universities such as Oxford or Cambridge have vast cash reserves bear witness to this. Accoding to the Guardian newspaper 36 Oxford colleges have 'consolidated net assets' of £5.9 billion, while the University holds a further £3.2 billion.

This process of Privatisation of education has been followed by writer and historian Stefan Collini writing in 20011 Collini criticised both Labour and Conservatives for being complicit in this process

“As the recent history of the ministerial pass, the parcel should indicate, the subordination of universities to perceived economic need has been pursued by both Conservative and Labour governments. Much of the language of the present White Paper is to be found almost verbatim in Higher Ambitions: The Future of Universities in a Knowledge Economy, produced by BIS in 2009 when Peter Mandelson was the minister. It should also be remembered that it was a Labour government that first introduced tuition fees (in 1998) and then ‘variable fees’ (in 2006). Variable fees turned out, of course, not to be variable, as all universities very soon charged the top rate. The frustration felt in the policy-making world at this fresh demonstration of universities’ unwillingness to operate according to good market principles wasn’t the least of the impulses that had to be accommodated by the independent committee, set up in 2009 with cross-party agreement, to review the effect of the 2006 fees and to come up with a sustainable form of future funding for higher education”.[1]

This is not the first or the last time Fergusson has mounted what appears to be a considerable provocation aimed at inciting a response from the left to launch a witchhunt against anybody who challenges his right-wing agenda.

In her three-part series called What price an American empire? Reviewing Fergusson’s book Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire, Marxist writer  Ann Talbot exposes Fergusson’s political and historical agenda.

 “All British historians, E.H. Carr once said, are Whigs, even the Tories—but not in Niall Ferguson’s case. He is a Tory formed in the Thatcherite mould, who cut his teeth writing for Conrad Black’s Daily Telegraph while he was a research student in Germany.












[1] https://www.lrb.co.uk/v33/n16/stefan-collini/from-robbins-to-mckinsey

Saturday, 10 July 2010

Comment on J P Kenyon


By Christopher Thompson

I think that you will find it helpful to clarify J.P.Kenyons view of Marxism by reading John Morrill’s obituary appreciation in the Proceedings of the British Academy (Volume 101 (1999), pages 441-461). Morrill explains there that Kenyon had a “fundamental disapproval of model-builders and systematisers. He had no time for social determinism as a tool of the historian for explaining the past or of social engineering as a tool of the politician in effecting the future.” (ibid. page 443).

Later in this piece, Morrill discussed Kenyon’s 1958 book, The Stuarts, and its analysis of the pre-revolutionary period: “it is a very hard and crisp review of the political, legal, and religious culture of the period 1580-1640 and of the origins of the English Civil War. Kenyon found no evidence of disintegration of an outdated system; no progressive movement made up of an alliance of common lawyers, Puritan gentry and clergy, thrusting merchants and trendy intellectuals; rather he found a gentry confused and unsure of itself, at once timidly in awe of firebrand clergy and determined to subject the church and its wealth more and more to lay control”. (ibid. pages 447-448) That remained his view. He was never a Marxist or a fellow-traveller with them.