Sunday, 22 March 2026

Diary of a Nobody and News from Nowhere

If things continue as they have this month, the website and blog will surpass the 50,000-hit mark for the second time in the website's history. Two things account for this. Firstly, there has been an increase in the number of articles. This has been achieved with the aid of the World Socialist Website's new chatbot, Socialism AI. It not only provides a guide to writing but also serves as a valuable archive resource. Secondly, the US war and genocide against Iran has once again sparked a significant interest in a Marxist analysis.

Three new pages have been added to the website this week. Perhaps the most significant has been the WRP Page. The first article was on Gerry Healy’s books and archive, an ongoing investigation, and more will be written about it.[1] I purchased two books from the SWP belonging to Healy.

These will either be put in my personal archive, currently under construction at Bishopsgate Institute, or, if more books appear, donated to a suitable home for research purposes.

Work on the Raphael Samuel book has stalled a little, with only two draft chapters completed. This week, I will start writing a third as the research for it has mostly been done. The other project is a rewrite of my 2003 Oliver Cromwell dissertation.

Another project will be to research the historian Tim Mason. His archive currently resides at the Bishopsgate Institute. I want to say that I have followed his work, but his importance was brought to my attention by the Marxist David North. When North recommends or mentions a historian, it is well worth looking at their work. In the next few weeks, I will be attending several meetings and events.

 

Meetings and Events

 Charity After Empire: British Humanitarianism, Decolonisation and Development

When: 24 March 2026, 18:00 — 20:00 Birkbeck

 Football Writing Festival: Arsenal Special Saturday 28 March 2026 11:30

British Library

 A. L. Morton, British Communism, and the New Left By

Raphael Samuel History Centre, Birkbeck, University of London

Thursday, Apr 9, 2026, from 4:30 pm to 6 pm

Remembering the General Strike, 100 years on

29 April 2026

A hybrid event bringing together historians and researchers to reflect on the significance of the 1926 General Strike and its impact on British political and labour history.  Panellists: Jonathan Schneer, Jon Cruddas, Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, Paul Nowak. James Moher will chair.

Location: Hybrid event – Online and Room 349, Third Floor, Senate House, Malet Street, London WC1E 7HU. More information

 Remembering the General Strike of 1926

21 May 2026  | 4 pm - 6 pm

Visit the archives related to the General Strike 1926 in the LSE Library collection and hear from the former Librarian of the Trades Union Congress, Chris Coates.

Chris will discuss the factors leading up to the Strike, its effectiveness, and its impact on working people.

Location: LSE Library, London WC2A 2HD 

The Legend of Rasputin, London Library- Anthony Beevor, 30 April 2026, 18:00 - 20:00

 

Books

Sisters in Yellow Novel by Mieko Kawakami

89 Amy Lawrence

Tarantula Edurdo Halfon

Repetition Vigdis Hjorth

Borderless Jennifer De Leon

The Blood Never Dried John Newsinger

JFK John Hughes-Wilson

Where is Britain Going, Leon Trotsky

Social Policy in the Third Reich: Tim Mason

 



[1] keith-perspective.blogspot.com/2026/03/on-gerry-healys-books.html

Saturday, 21 March 2026

On Gerry Healy’s Books

On 16/03/26, I visited the Socialist Workers Party bookshop, Bookmarks. While looking at the second-hand bookshelves, I noticed a lot of old Workers Revolutionary Party (WRP) books, like 10 copies of the Trotskyism Versus Revisionism series 1-6. The bookshop has three large bookshelves of second-hand books. I noticed more books, like Marx’s collected works, Lenin’s collected works and more books by Leon Trotsky.

I felt something was wrong here, so I went to the reception desk and asked if they knew anything about it. I was told that a representative from Vanessa Redgrave had initially offered two storage lockers full of books in early 2025. The SWP told Redgrave that they don’t buy. Redgrave donated the books to the SWP. The books were loaded into a medium-sized van in June or July of 2025. The books were advertised for sale through the SWP’s social media sites.

Given that Healy had a library that spanned over fifty years, one can only imagine how many were donated and what exactly Redgrave kept back. It is not well known that Healy’s secretaries kept a political diary. Excepts can be seen in Corrin Lotz’s somewhat sycophantic biography of Gerry Healy. What documents does Redgrave still hold on to?


Having a further look at the books on the Bookmarks shelves, I notice a significant number with G Healy written inside. Healy spent an inordinate amount of time writing in the books.

Healy clearly annotated his books to engage more deeply with the text, enhance comprehension, and retain information, essentially turning his reading into an active conversation with the author. It serves as a personal record of his thoughts, feelings, and insights, facilitating easier reference later and adding a deeper layer of enjoyment to the reading experience. It means that future historians will not have access to this precious archive.

It is clear that the books donated are not from Redgrave's library but are, in fact, Healy’s personal library. I know this because six months before the split in the WRP in 1984, Redgrave sold off an enormous amount of her books. I purchased two suitcases full of her books, including the proof copy of One Long Night, with her name inside.

Also, there appear to be several books from the WRP library, which I assume were at Clapham. It appears Redgrave must have looted that library. This needs further investigation, but I am pretty sure it is part of, or the whole of, G Healy’s library.

It is clear that Redgrave has no interest in revolutionary politics and by carrying out this act of political and historical vandalism spits on the history of the movement. The books should have been donated to a library or an academic institution such as Warrick University.

 

 

Thursday, 19 March 2026

Breaking Our Chains: Women, Marxism and the Path to Liberation (Sarah Bates and Judy Cox) Bookmarks Publication-2026 £10

“As a general proposition: Social advances and changes of periods are brought about by virtue of the progress of women towards liberty, and the decadences of the social order are brought about by virtue of the decrease of liberty of women.

Charles Fourier on “the progress of women”

Women's freedom is the sign of social freedom.

 ―Rosa Luxemburg

“Life is not an easy matter…. You cannot live through it without falling into frustration and cynicism unless you have before you a great idea which raises you above personal misery, above weakness, above all kinds of perfidy and baseness.”

― Leon Trotsky, Diary in Exile, 1935

This new book, Breaking Our Chains—Women, Marxism and the Path to Liberation, written by Sarah Bates, Judy Cox and Sally Campbell, is a feminist-Marxist polemic or, as the authors state, a manifesto that examines women’s oppression as a historically specific phenomenon rooted in class society.

The authors present a materialist conception of history, which insists that the emancipation of women cannot be separated from the struggle to overthrow capitalism and replace it with a socialist society. This article situates the book within classical Marxist theory, traces its historical-material logic, assesses its contemporary relevance, and contrasts its outlook with reformist and bourgeois feminist tendencies.

As Judy Cox states, “ it is important to stand with all those who want to fight back against sexism. But strategies do matter. I remember being told that we were all equal now and we didn’t need to worry about sexism anymore. We were told that the key was a few women winning individual success who would then “feminise” or “humanise” the boardroom.

These ideas have proved to be disastrously wrong. Lots of people are attracted to Marxism, but they think it needs adding to or building on to explain women’s oppression properly. I am absolutely for developing Marxism to address new ways of thinking about the world. But actually, I think Marxism, when it is properly understood, can explain the world and point to effective strategies for change. So, I welcome any engagement with Marxism, but I think Marxism is the theory of women’s liberation. We see women’s liberation as inextricably linked to the overthrow of capitalism.[1]

At the book's heart is the application of the dialectical materialist method. The authors trace how social reproduction, the sexual division of labour, property relations and the state interpenetrate to produce gender hierarchies. Classical Marxism views ideas about gender not as timeless truths but as expressions of concrete class relations and material interests. The authors therefore locate patriarchy’s deepest roots in private property, commodity production and the wage system—showing how ideological forms (sexism, “tradition”, cultural myths) mediate and naturalise material inequalities.

Collectively, the authors situate women’s oppression within several distinct formations: precapitalist patriarchies, the rise of capitalist private property, and the modern wage-labour system. Historically specific institutions like household labour, unequal access to independent means of production, and the monetary valuation of labour have shaped the content and limits of women’s social power. The book charts how reformist struggles (suffrage, workplace protections, social-welfare reforms) have won partial gains but have been repeatedly constrained or reversed because they do not alter underlying class relations.

Marxism treats the question of women’s oppression not as a moral add-on but as an integral moment of class society. The materialist conception of history shows that family structures, gender relations and the legal status of women are rooted in modes of production: how people make their living shapes social relations, property, law and ideology.

As Frederick Engels argued, “We must admit that so total a reversal of the position of the sexes can come to pass only because the sexes have been placed in a false position from the beginning. If the reign of the wife over the husband, as inevitably brought about by the factory system, is inhuman, the pristine rule of the husband over the wife must have been inhuman too.”[2]

The book is not just an examination of past liberation movements and struggles; it also has contemporary relevance. Today, intensified economic poverty, neoliberal austerity, the casualisation of labour, and the rollback of public services have further commodified and privatised social reproduction. The book explains why these trends disproportionately impact women: cuts in social care and public provision shift unpaid labour back into households; precarious employment deepens women’s dependency and vulnerability. It therefore argues that feminism divorced from class struggle can be absorbed as a market-friendly ideology or reduced to identity-based bargaining within capitalism.

The authors are correct in their insistence that real emancipation requires linking demands around wages, workplace democracy, social provision, childcare, reproductive rights and an end to militarism to a program to abolish wage labour and capitalist property—i.e., to socialist transformation. All women’s organisations must be rooted in the working class, not subordinated to bourgeois parties or union bureaucracies that manage capital’s interests. That perspective distinguishes genuine Marxist-feminism from reformist “management-of-inequality” approaches and the bourgeois “lean-in” model that leaves hierarchical structures intact.

To sum up, Breaking Our Chains provides a necessary corrective to bourgeois and reformist versions of feminism by grounding the fight for women’s liberation in Marxist historical materialism. Its central lesson: the liberation of women requires the revolutionary overthrow of capitalist social relations and the building of working-class political independence and international organisation. Women’s liberation is not attainable as a partial reform of capitalism. It requires the collective political mobilisation of the working class to overturn the property relations that underlie gender oppression and to build democratic, social institutions that free labour from private, unpaid burdens.  For students and activists seeking a theoretical and practical guide, the book underscores that only by combining rigorous theory, mass organisation and revolutionary strategy can genuine, lasting emancipation be achieved.

One major criticism of both the authors and the Socialist Workers Party that they belong to is that, despite the occasional publication of books that adopt a classical Marxist standpoint with references and quotes from Marxist revolutionaries Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, and Russian revolutionaries Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky, they usually offer a platform for the flotsam and jetsam of pseudo-left politics. The group is thoroughly convinced of capitalism's power and longevity and is hostile to the working class and to genuine socialism. The SWP’s sole purpose is to oppose the independent political mobilisation of the working class on a revolutionary and internationalist programme. 

 

 



[1] Breaking Our Chains: Smashing sexism and the system-socialistworker.co.uk/womens-liberation/breaking-our-chains-smashing-sexism-and-the-system/

[2] The Condition of the Working Class in England. Friedrich Engels 1845

 

Wednesday, 18 March 2026

Correspondence On Robert Harris's-Selling Hitler

 I have been more than surprised to read the piece on the Hitler diaries 

dated 15th March, 2026. Hugh Trevor-Roper read German fluently from the 

1930s. He was assured by Stern before he saw the so-called "diaries". That 

their authenticity had been technically verified, but this proved to be 

incorrect. No one who knew him could ever have supposed that he was "a 

bourgeois historian".

Regards,

Christopher Thompson

Sunday, 15 March 2026

Selling Hitler by Robert Harris. New York: Pantheon Books. First American edition, 1986, 402 pp., $18.95, ISBN 0-394-5533-5.

Robert Harris’s Selling Hitler is a well-written and scrupulously researched examination of the “Hitler diaries” forgery. It is a journalistic and fictionalised account of the 1980s forgery case. It raises important questions about ideology, politics, culture and the circulation of false narratives about fascism.

In his review of the book, H. Keith Thompson makes the following point: “The quantities of Third-Reich-related forgeries in circulation can generally be divided into two categories. First, there are the forgeries made by the World War II Allies, and by various international pressure groups, for propaganda purposes, such as the masses of faked material introduced by the Allies at their various postwar “trials” of defeated Axis adherents, e.g., the Russian “evidence” concerning the Katyn Massacre. Most forgeries in the second category (documents, uniforms, medals, weapons and other memorabilia) are merely attempts to make money.”[1]

The Hitler Diaries scandal was perhaps the most stupid blunder by a media outlet. In 1983, the German magazine Stern paid 9 million Deutsche Marks for the "discovery," only for forensic tests on the ink and paper to reveal they contained chemicals not available during WWII. The so-called handwriting experts brought in to validate the diaries were nothing of the sort. As Harris relates, “Hilton's report, couched in five pages of professional gobbledy-gook, was conclusive. But, based as it was on the assumption that all the documents he had been given for comparison were authentic, it was also completely wrong…they were all forged by Kujau.”

The book details how the small-time forger, Konrad Kujau, managed to create and sell over 50 fake diaries to a gullible German journalist, Gerd Heidemann, of the magazine Stern. The story reached global headlines in April 1983 when Stern offered to sell the diaries for a substantial sum (around $4 million at the time), and major publications, including The Sunday Times and Newsweek, became embroiled in authenticating and publishing excerpts.

The scam successfully fooled many reputable historians and media executives, who were blinded by the prospect of fame, money, and a historical scoop that could alter perceptions of the Third Reich. The hoax was exposed just a week later when forensic tests proved the diaries were crude forgeries, written on modern paper and with ink that glowed under ultraviolet light.

Harris, while having a journalistic flair and his book reads like a novel, has only a limited understanding of the class interests involved in the story. How did cultural authority, market pressures and political currents combine to produce credence for a lie?. The forgery should be placed in the wider history of political myth-making about Nazism, the post-war rehabilitation of German militarism, and the role of intellectuals in legitimising reactionary narratives.

Enter Hugh Trevor-Roper (1914–2003), who was described as the historian who caused the most trouble. Roper was an Englishman who had built a career on his book, The Last Days of Hitler, but who was in fact a specialist in the 16th and 17th centuries.

Harris notes: “He was not a German scholar. He was not fluent in the language and had admitted as much in a review of Mein Kampf published a decade earlier: “I do not read German,” he confessed, “with great ease or pleasure.” Written in an archaic script, impenetrable to most Germans, the diaries might as well have been composed of Egyptian hieroglyphics for all the sense Trevor-Roper could make of them. He had to rely on the Stern men for translation. The conversation was entirely in English”.

Hugh Trevor‑Roper was one of the most prominent English historians of the mid-20th century. He rose to public prominence through scholarly work on early modern Britain and Nazi Germany, serving as Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford and as a public intellectual whose judgments carried great weight in the bourgeois media and academic establishment. His career—most famously marked by the episode of the forged “Hitler Diaries” in 1983—illustrates key lessons about the social basis of historical authority, the limits of individualist scholarship under capitalism, and the political stakes of historiography.

Trevor‑Roper’s name became synonymous with the controversy when he initially authenticated material presented as Hitler’s diaries, a judgment later shown to be wrong when forensic evidence proved the texts to be modern forgeries. That mistake was not merely a personal lapse, for it reflected the institutional pressures and prestige relations in which a bourgeois historian operates. The eagerness of major newspapers and magazines to publish sensational claims, and the weight accorded to a single eminent expert’s word, produced a social environment in which haste could substitute for collective, methodical verification.

The unchecked authority given to persons like Trevor‑Roper often rests as much on social position and institutional prestige as on methodical, collective inquiry. The careers of such figures illustrate how bourgeois historiography can serve ideological functions, to legitimate national myths, to placate ruling‑class anxieties, or to manage memories of criminal regimes in ways compatible with present political needs.

Trevor‑Roper’s mistake thus demonstrates a dialectical relation: individual fallibility and institutional tendencies interpenetrate. The scandal exposed contradictions—authority versus truth, spectacle versus method—that are inherent in bourgeois cultural life.

Trevor Roper’s scholarship indeed made significant historiographical contributions; his errors do not nullify all of his work. But a historical materialist appraisal must treat individual scholars as social products: their interpretations reflect the material and institutional contexts in which they live and work. The proper response to episodes like the Hitler Diaries is not merely to censure but to insist on strengthening collective, methodical historical practice grounded in material evidence and social analysis.

In sum, the Hugh Trevor-Roper affair is a cautionary tale: under capitalism, historiography is vulnerable to commodification, to authority concentrated among social elites, and to ideological manipulation. The remedy is not reliance on isolated historians but the development of democratic, scientifically disciplined historical practice.



[1] Selling Hitler-A Review By H. Keith Thompson ∙ December 1, 1986-codoh.com/library/document/selling-hitler/

Thursday, 12 March 2026

Females by Andrea Long Chu Verso Publication: 29 Oct. 2019

Andrea Long Chu's 2019 book, Females, is not an easy read. One’s reading pleasure is not helped by the fact that Chu is a walking and talking provocation. Her book, a short essay of barely 100 pages, is a paean to Valerie Solanas, a bizarre figure of the 1960s. In 1965, Solanas began writing the SCUM Manifesto, a pamphlet whose argument was that nearly every form of social wretchedness, from war, poverty and work, is directly related to men’s drive to hide their social and biological mediocrity. The SCUM Manifesto (Society for Cutting Up Men) was published in 1967 as a polemical essay written in the form of an extreme, satirical call for the overthrow of male-dominated society. It mixes bitter personal denunciation, provocation and anarchic rhetoric.

Andrea Long Chu’s Females is a polemical intervention in contemporary debates about sex, gender, and desire. It also advances provocative claims about gender as desire, about the social meanings attached to “female” and “male,” and about the politics of gender transition and identification. Chu frames the book as a polemic. She believes that gender is, first and foremost, a matter of desire. She challenges liberal and academic categories (identity as a social role or cognitive self-definition) and treats “females” as desired as such, or as desired by desiring to be such. The tone is literary, aphoristic and intentionally provocative.

There is nothing wrong with the polemical form that can clarify. But when it substitutes rhetorical flair for systematic analysis, it risks leaving political questions unanswered: what class interests are served by particular ideas? What organising program follows from a claim about desire?

Andrea Long Chu’s Females is a polemical intervention in contemporary debates about sex, gender, and desire. It advances provocative claims about gender as desire, about the social meanings attached to “female” and “male,” and about the politics of gender transition and identification. The book, at best, should be seen as opening up a conversation. Still, it should be approached as a theoretical and literary provocation that intersects with questions of identity, social reproduction and cultural authority.

Its tone is deliberately shocking; it advocates the abolition of male authority and, in parts, violent and exclusionary measures against men. Published in 2019, Historically, it has often been read as an expression of radical, pettybourgeois feminism and cultural nihilism rather than as a program for socialist transformation. It should be noted that Solanes acted out the logic of her argument in 1968, when she shot artist Andy Warhol. She pleaded guilty to attempted murder by reason of insanity and was imprisoned in a psychiatric hospital for three years after a diagnosis of paranoid schizophrenia. It is hoped that Chu does not follow in her idol's footsteps.

Chu’s pettybourgeois subjectivity and voluntarism echo the Scum Manifesto's individualism, moral denunciation, and moralistic remedies. Chu’s thinking starts from the premise of subjective privileging of desire over social reproduction. A Marxist method begins from the primacy of social being: “it is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social being that determines their consciousness”.  Sex and gender under capitalism are rooted in relations of production, the division of labour, and the social reproduction of labour power, and are not reducible to individual desire.

Chu’s political thinking mirrors the tendencies that the Russian Marxist Leon Trotsky identified and fought against in the late 1930s—eclecticism and pettybourgeois opposition to capitalism that replaced scientific analysis with moralising and substituted voluntarist acts for organised class strategy.

Trotsky warned that rejection of dialectical materialism leads to political confusion and opportunism, writing, “Vulgar thought operates with such concepts as capitalism, morals, freedom, workers’ state, etc., as fixed abstractions, presuming that capitalism is equal to capitalism, morals are equal to morals, etc. Dialectical thinking analyses all things and phenomena in their continuous change, while determining in the material conditions of those changes that critical limit beyond which ‘A’ ceases to be ‘A’, a workers’ state ceases to be a workers’ state.

The fundamental flaw of vulgar thought lies in the fact that it wishes to content itself with motionless imprints of a reality which consists of eternal motion. Dialectical thinking gives concepts, by means of closer approximations, corrections, concretisations, a richness of content and flexibility; I would say even a succulence which, to a certain extent, brings them close to living phenomena. Not capitalism in general, but a given capitalism at a given stage of development. Not a workers’ state in general, but a given workers’ state in a backward country in an imperialist encirclement, etc.”[1]

Chu treats desire and aesthetics as primary causal forces. She wholeheartedly rejects the materialist analysis that situates erotic norms within capitalist social relations. The founder of Russian Marxism, G. Plekhanov’s dialectical critique of idealism warned against elevating inward “notions” above concrete social relations, writing “The utopian socialists regarded 'human nature' from an abstract point of view and appraised social phenomena in accordance with the formula 'Yes is yes, and no is no.” Property either was or was not conformable to human nature; the monogamic family was or was not conformable to human nature; and so on. Regarding human nature as unchangeable, utopian socialists were justified in hoping that, among all possible systems of social organisation, there must be one which was more conformable than any other to that nature. Hence their wish to discover this best of all possible systems, the one most conformable to human nature.

Every founder of a school believed he had discovered it, which is why he advocated adopting his particular utopia. Mars introduced the dialectical method into socialism, thus making socialism a science and giving the death blow to utopianism. Marx does not appeal to human nature; he does not know of any social institutions that conform to it or do not. Already in his Misère de la Philosophie, we find this significant and characteristic criticism of Proudhon: “Monsieur Proudhon is unaware that history in its entirety is nothing other than a continuous modification of human nature.” (Misère de la Philosophie, Paris, 1896, p. 204).[2]

One of Chu’s more controversial claims is that trans identity and transition are intelligible as responses to desire and to the aesthetic, or, to put it another way, the calculation of gender. She treats the surgical transition and identification as a trans as acts shaped by the logic of wanting to be read or valued as a particular gender. Her reduction of transition to an aesthetic desire risks erasing the material conditions that compel or enable transitions—such as access to medical care, labour market pressures, policing and workplace vulnerability.  

To summarise, Chu’s work is culturally resonant because it exposes real anger against patriarchy, but Chu is not a Marxist or even close to one. Her books and essays, instead of challenging the capitalist system, channel it in ways that can fragment workingclass solidarity. The contemporary task is to understand gender oppression as bound up with capitalist property relations and state power.

Chu often prefers paradox, aphorism and literary provocation over systematic argument. She uses paradox to unsettle both mainstream feminism and trans‑affirming orthodoxy. Her thrust, if you pardon the pun, is toward rethinking gender as situated primarily in desire and aesthetic valuation, leaving open complex ethical and political implications rather than prescribing collective programs.



[1] The ABC of Materialist Dialectics (December 1939) www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/12/abc.htm

[2] Dialectic and Logic-www.marxists.org/archive/plekhanov/xx/dialectic.htm

Monday, 9 March 2026

Tarantula by Eduardo Halfon, translated by Daniel Hahn, is published by Hamish Hamilton (£10.99).

 “As a vast, solid phalanx, the generations come on; they have the same features, and their pattern is new in the world. All wear the same expression, but it is this which they do not detect in each other. It is the one life which ponders in the philosophers, which drudges in the labourers, which basks in the poets, which dilates in the love of the women. –

Ralph Waldo Emerson, Notebooks”

"The best things come, as a general thing, from the talents that are members of a group."

Henry James 1879 biography of Nathaniel Hawthorne

‘Is imagination so fanciful that it can invent a memory and then transform it into something we understand as true?’

Eduardo Halfon

“First of all, art is the cognition of life. Art is not the free play of fantasy, feelings, and moods: art is not the expression of merely the subjective sensations and experiences of the poet; art is not assigned the goal of primarily awakening in the reader good feelings. Like science, art cognises life. Both art and science have the same subject: life, reality. But sciences analyse, art synthesises; science is abstract, art is concrete; science turns to the mind of man, art to his sensual [i.e., sensory] nature. Science cognises life with the help of concepts, art with the aid of images in the form of living, sensual contemplation.”

Aleksandr Voronsky

Eduardo Halfon is part of a new generation of Latin American writers who, to paraphrase Sir Isaac Newton, have seen further than most because they have stood on the shoulders of giants. These giants are well-known. In a recent interview, Halfon was asked about his earliest influences. “Mostly North American writers, and most of them in the short story tradition. Maybe that’s why I constantly go back to that genre. I’m essentially a short story writer. That’s where I feel most comfortable, or least uncomfortable. My technique or approach in constructing a short story is very much based on the North American tradition, much more so than the Latin American one. I feel much closer to Hemingway and Carver and Cheever, for example, than I do to Borges and Cortázar and García Márquez.[1]

Halfon and others are still paying their debt to these greats, but they are also now striking out on a new road. As Halfon succinctly put it, “ My house, then, is built on two pillars. But a writer must begin by destroying one's house.

Like their earlier counterparts, these writers have to deal with their respective countries' violent political pasts.  In Halfon’s case, the past is the genocidal campaign by the Guatemalan ruling elite against its Mayan and working-class population. Although Halfon clearly is influenced by Guatemala’s great writers such as Miguel Angel Asturias, Augusto Monterroso and modern day writers such  Francisco Goldman and David Unger his work is “intensely autobiographical, migratory and steeped in memory” Halfon’s focus on migration, memory and identity can be read as testimony to the real material dislocations produced by imperialism and capitalist restructuring throughout Latin America.

It is worth noting that every single Guatemalan writer or poet of note has been forced into exile due to the distinct possibility of being murdered by their respective dictators. Halfon noted this in an interview in 2015, “For the past century, Guatemalan writers have been writing and dying in exile. Miguel Ángel Asturias, who received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1967, wrote his books about Guatemala while living in exile, in South America and Europe. He died in Paris and is buried at Père Lachaise. The great short-story writer Augusto Monterroso, after being detained by the military forces of dictator Jorge Ubico, was forced to leave the country in 1944. He fled first to Chile, then to Mexico, where he lived the rest of his life, and where he wrote most of his stories, and where he’s now buried. Luis Cardoza y Aragón, arguably Guatemala’s most important poet of the last century, suffered a similar fate —he was also forced into exile in Mexico in the 1930s, where he wrote his poetry and where he, too, died. Guatemala’s greatest playwright, Carlos Solórzano, fled the country in 1939—first to Germany, then to Mexico—and never returned. The writer Mario Payeras, a guerrilla commander in the 1970s, also wrote while exiled in Mexico, where he suddenly and mysteriously died (his remains were buried in a cemetery in the southwest of the country, but have since vanished). One of the most important Guatemalan novels of the last few decades, El Tiempo Principia en Xibalbá (Time Commences in Xibalbá), was written by the indigenous writer Luis de Lión, who in 1984 was kidnapped by military forces, tortured for twenty days, and then disappeared. His murder wasn’t confirmed until fifteen years later, in 1999, when his name and number appeared in the now infamous “Military Diary”, a haunting military document that secretly listed the fate of all the Guatemalans disappeared by the military forces between August 1983 and March 1985. Luis de Lión, born José Luís de León Díaz, is number 135. His novel was published posthumously, that most extreme of exiles.”[2]

Halfon’s recurring motifs of displacement, cross-border families, and fragmented memory are not merely personal or cultural; they are literary expressions of material processes driven by the global capitalist system. Halfon is not a Marxist, but he clearly uses these literary expressions in much the same way that the great American writer Phillip Roth did in his work to uncover the past and prepare for future struggles. How else would you understand Roth’s extraordinary prescient novel The Plot Against America?

Halfon does not explicitly examine the growth of Fascism in Guatemala. Rather, evocations in his stories are an indirect examination of the expansion of informal, precarious labour, the restructuring of national economies through neoliberal “adjustment,” and the integration of millions into transnational labour markets, all of which create the objective conditions for mass migration and social struggles.

According to the International Labour Organisation, more than 2.1 billion of the world’s 3.6 billion workers now labour in the informal economy. Platform and casual work are central mechanisms of modern labour casualisation These processes force families to fragment, livelihoods to be uprooted, and memories to be reconstituted around loss, survival and mobility, the precise themes of Halfon’s fiction. It has been said of Halfon’s collective work that it seems to flow into a single ongoing novel.

Chris Power points out that Halfon’s “ other recurring themes include Guatemalan history, the Holocaust, questions of Jewish identity, and the nature of violence. The books recycle stories, such as Eduardo’s grandfather’s experience of Auschwitz and subsequent emigration to Guatemala; the family’s relocation to the States; and Eduardo’s own career as a writer. When a novel’s narrator and its author share a name and identity, it naturally prompts questions about what is true and what is invented. But Halfon’s primary concern seems not to be with establishing facts, as a memoirist might, but to rappel as deeply as possible into those crevasses where meaning and truth disappear.”[3]

Before discussing other things, it is worth commenting on the translations of Halfon’s books, which merit a book in themselves. Eduardo Halfon’s fiction—works such as The Polish Boxer, Monastery, and The Lost Boy—explore memory, migration, identity and the tangled legacies of war and displacement. It is important to study the translations seriously and treat them not as incidental “products” but as historical-cultural documents.

For instance, Halfon’s The Polish Boxer was worked on by an international group of five translators who worked in concert with each other to deliver a very good manuscript.  These translators understand how translations shape how working people around the world encounter cultures and struggles not their own. Translation determines which voices reach mass audiences and under what political framing.

Halfon and his translators stand on the shoulders of the groundbreaking translator Gregory Rabassa. His translations helped define an international readership’s image of Latin American culture and politics. Understanding these processes exposes the cultural market’s role in commodifying exile, migration, and antiimperialist themes and creates a basis for challenging who benefits and who is represented.

Gregory Rabassa’s work, most famously his English translations of Gabriel García Márquez, Julio Cortázar and Clarice Lispector, offers a model for studying translation as both a literary and political activity. It is important to learn from Rabassa methodically. The reader should combine a close technical study of his translations with an analysis of the publishing, class and cultural forces that shape which books circulate internationally.

As Rabassa once wrote, “The translator, we should know, is a writer too. As a matter of fact, he could be called the ideal writer because all he has to do is write; plot, theme, characters, and all other essentials have already been provided, so he can sit down and write his ass off.”[4]

Eduardo Halfon’s new book is elliptical, memory-driven and obsessed with names, absence and family traces. Still, it is also a powerful entry point for understanding how imperialism and transnational capital shape private lives. Reading Halfon alongside the history of the United Fruit Company (later Chiquita) provides the reader with a powerful understanding of the Guatemalan civil war, fought from 1960 to 1996, which was triggered by the United States at the behest of the United Fruit Company.

The US oligarchy was the largest landowner in the Central American republic. The United Fruit, in collaboration with the US government, sanctioned and organised alongside the Guatemalan ruling elite and its military, systematic kidnappings and murders that were part of the government’s counter-insurgency campaign saw death squads murder hundreds of thousands of political opponents and Mayan people.

The United Fruit Company was not a benign employer but a transnational corporation whose profits depended on control of land, labour, and transport. In Guatemala and across Central America, UFCO backed oligarchic politics, shaped infrastructure for export agriculture, and collaborated with US state power to secure its property and markets. The company’s role in creating the “banana republic” form, where export interests dominated politics and security, helped produce recurrent repression, dispossession and intervention that set the context for the civil war and ongoing violence.

US imperialism’s hand in Guatemala (1954 coup against Árbenz, long-term support for military regimes and counterinsurgency) turned economic disputes over land and labour into matters of geopolitical strategy. The Guatemalan state served as a repressive instrument of the dominant class. In Guatemala, this meant the security forces acting to defend plantation and export interests against labour organising and land reform.

The successor firms to United Fruit have continued the pattern of corporate power shaping violence and act with impunity. Contemporary cases, such as Chiquita’s payments to Colombian paramilitaries and the company’s light legal consequences, illustrate how transnationals use force and collusion to secure profits and suppress labour, often with the tacit protection of governments.

Eduardo Halfon’s fiction, memory-driven, autobiographical and formally inventive, provides a vital entry point into understanding how class, imperialism and genocide shape subjective experience. To study Halfon in relation to the Guatemalan civil war means reading literature as historical testimony: to connect aesthetic form and private memory with the social forces that produced mass murder, displacement and the long-term campaign of state terror.

Understanding Halfon together with the historical record helps expose the continuing rule of the oligarchy, judicial impunity and US influence, factors central to contemporary struggles over land, indigenous rights and militarisation.

Halfon rarely offers direct economic history; instead, his stories register the aftershocks: absences, silences, disrupted families, migrations and the odd conjunctions of identity that result from capitalist domination. Where Halfon evokes a vanished aunt, a rented house, a childhood street, those private traces map onto structures of class power: plantations that displaced communities, export economies that enclosed common land, and states that protected corporate assets rather than popular needs.

To read Halfon politically is to read the gaps as social symptoms: the inability to name perpetrators, the sense of illegible history, the recurring motif of “not knowing” where a relative went or why a place changed. These are not merely aesthetic devices but the subjective remnant of forced migrations, economic coercion and political terror produced by export capitalism and imperialist intervention.

Like most Guatemalan writers, Halfon learned to write as if his life depended on it. For most readers of his books, it must be hard to understand that writers like Halfon are in constant fear of assassination because of what they write and uncover. A prime example of this is Francisco Goldman. His book The Art of Political Murder nearly got him killed.

In an interview with the Guardian, Halfon recounts feeling paranoid about being followed. My understanding of the political situation in Guatemala is that Halfon is not paranoid. Given Guatemala’s track record of killing writers and journalists who get in their way, it is a real threat, not just paranoia.

It is worth quoting in length from Halfon’s Guardian article. Halfon believes that many things in Guatemala are not spoken or written about.

“ Just after I published my first novel in Guatemala, in 2003, I had a beer with the Salvadoran writer Horacio Castellanos Moya, who was living there at the time. We met at an old bar called El Establo. As soon as he saw me walk in, he raised his bottle of beer, congratulated me, smiled a crazy man’s smile, and then warned me to leave the country as soon as possible.

Guatemalan writers, and Guatemalans in general, have lived for almost a century now in a climate of fear. If anyone dared to speak out, they either disappeared into exile or disappeared literally. This fear is still prevalent, woven deep into the subconscious of the Guatemalan people, who, over time, have been taught to be silent. To not speak out. To not say or write words that might kill you.

The first consequence of this, of course, is overall silence. Certain things in Guatemala are not spoken or written about. The indigenous genocide in the 1980s. The extreme racism. The overwhelming number of women being murdered. The impossibility of land reform and redistribution of wealth. The close ties between the government and the drug cartels. Although these are all subjects that almost define the country itself, they are discussed and commented on only in whispers or from the outside. But a second and perhaps more dangerous consequence of a culture of silence is a type of self-censorship: when speaking or writing, one mustn’t say anything that puts oneself or one’s family in peril. The censoring becomes automatic, unconscious. Because the danger is very real. Although the days of dictators are now gone, the military is still powerful, and political and military murders are all too common.

It was at a bookstore called Sophos. I was browsing some books on the table when an elderly man came over and introduced himself. He was dressed in a coat and tie. He said he had read my novel and talked for a few minutes about his impressions. He then shook my hand again and, still holding on to it, said it had been a pleasure to meet me, that I should take care, be careful. I asked him carefully about what. He just smiled politely and went on his way. I considered it strange, but didn’t give it much thought. Maybe he was just being nice? Maybe I misinterpreted his greeting (usted cuídese, you take care)? Anyway, I had almost forgotten about it until several weeks later, when I received a phone call. The voice on the phone said I didn’t know him, but that he was calling as a friend to warn me about my enemies.”[5]

Suppose you make the effort to read Halfon’s work; it is a joy. His work opens questions about the culture of migration, the commodification of memory, and the role of literature in representing displacement.

“It is unquestionably true that the need for art is not created by economic conditions. But neither is the need for food created by economics. On the contrary, the need for food and warmth creates economics. It is very true that one cannot always go by the principles of Marxism in deciding whether to reject or to accept a work of art. A work of art should, in the first place, be judged by its own law, that is, by the law of art. But the beauty of Marxism is that it alone can explain why and how a given tendency in art has originated in a given period of history; in other words, who it was who made a demand for such an artistic form and not for another, and why.”

 

Notes

 

1.   The Purest Form of Writing, the Most Intimate Form of Reading-Eduardo Halfon, in conversation with his translators Lisa Dillman and Daniel Hahn, with Avinoam Patt, massreview.org/sites/default/files/10_60.3Halfom/index.pdf

The UN Historical Clarification Commission, “Guatemala: Memory of Silence”) and forensic anthropology studies on exhumations.

The Art of Political Murder: Who Killed Bishop Gerardi? Francisco Goldman Atlantic Books Paperback – 1 Feb. 2010-

 Art as the Cognition of Life: Selected Writings 1911-1936 Paperback – 1 Jan. 1998by Aleksandr Konstantinovich Voronsky (Author), Frederick S. Choate (Translator) 

5.   Mastermind, by David Unger -AKASHIC BOOKS Paperback – 19 May 2016

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 




About The Author

 Eduardo Halfón (born 1971) is a Guatemalan novelist and essayist whose compact, often autobiographical works probe memory, identity, migration, and Jewishness in Latin America and the United States. His books — including titles translated into English such as The Polish Boxer, Monastery, and The Book of Owners — use fragmented narrative, irony and personal testimony to interrogate how individual life is shaped by history, displacement and cultural inheritance. His latest book is Tarantula.



[1] Origin Stories-www.guernicamag.com/origin-stories/

[2] Better not say too much: Eduardo Halfon on literature, paranoia and leaving Guatemala-Guardian.com.2015

[3] Tarantula by Eduardo Halfon-observer.co.uk/culture/books/article/paperback-of-the-week-tarantula-by-eduardo-halfon

[4] Gregory Rabassa, If This Be Treason: Translation and its Dyscontents

[5] Better not say too much: Eduardo Halfon on literature, paranoia and leaving Guatemala-Guardian.com.2015

Tuesday, 3 March 2026

The Death of Trotsky: The True Story of the Plot to Kill Stalin’s Greatest Enemy by Josh Ireland. Published by Dutton, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, 2026.

It is hard to imagine why a writer who has not published a single work on the workers' movement and had no previous connection to a revolutionary organisation would accept the complex task of writing a biography of Leon Trotsky.

One clue as to why Josh Ireland would accept the daunting challenge can be found on his acknowledgement page. Apart from Isaac Deutcher, Ireland thanked several right-wing historians and writers, including Stephen Kotkin. Recently, the politically loathsome Kotkin wrote:

“Why should anyone care about Leon Trotsky in this day and age? A Marxist revolutionary who opposed but ultimately joined forces with Vladimir Lenin, he fought his entire life against markets and private property, parliaments and the rule of law, defending the Soviet state even as he denounced its leader, Joseph Stalin. That utopia imploded in ignominy decades ago.[1]

Kotkin’s love of Stalin notwithstanding, one reason for these right-wingers’ ire at Trotsky’s popularity lies in a recent survey by the Cato Institute and YouGov. A significant number, 62 per cent of Americans aged 18–29, say they hold a “favourable view” of socialism, and 34 per cent say the same of communism.

These statistics and others caused the rapid right-wing Cato Institute and one of its attack dogs, Michael Chapman, to vomit up this unhinged comment: “This is shocking given that communism is responsible for 100 million deaths worldwide and is rooted in socialism, the same philosophy that spawned both Mussolini’s fascism and Hitler’s National Socialism. To favour socialism is to flirt with tyranny. Therefore, libertarians must educate more Americans to recognise the socialist actions of big government and fight against them. As Friedrich Hayek warned in The Road to Serfdom, “the rise of fascism and Marxism was not a reaction against the socialist trends of the preceding period but a necessary outcome of those tendencies.” He also noted that both Mussolini and Hitler started as socialists.”[2]

Ireland's ideological friend, Kotkin, who wrote a multi-volume biography of Joseph Stalin, has received widespread attention in both bourgeois and academic circles. From a Marxist standpoint, Kotkin’s work and Ireland's work, for that matter, must be judged not as neutral scholarship but as political interventions. Kotkin’s method and conclusions, like Ireland’s, distort class relations, which serve the ruling-class and petit-bourgeois ideological needs.

Ireland adopts a historiographical posture that substitutes personality-centred narration and postmodern relativism for a class analysis of social forces. This method raises the fundamental question: which social classes and material relations produced Stalinism and made the bureaucratic caste politically dominant? By treating Stalin as the decisive, almost autonomous actor—rather than a product and amplifier of objective social transformations and bureaucratic interests Ireland reproduces a bourgeois individualised account of history that obscures the social foundations of political power. His book contains factual distortions and a very selective use of sources.

Ireland’s The Death of Trotsky joins a very crowded market of books that adopt a journalistic tone or are popular history treatments, such as Allan Todd’s Trotsky: The Passionate Revolutionary.[3] Ireland’s book from the very start treats  Leon Trotsky’s murder in Mexico in 1940 in the manner of an individual crime story rather than a political episode which was the product of social forces, state power, in the form of the Stalinist bureaucracy.

One of Ireland's more monstrous claims is that Stalinism was historically inevitable and that Trotsky would have acted in the same way had he defeated Stalin. Ireland’s is a teleological and ahistorical argument that collapses political struggle into fatalism. The rise of the bureaucracy was conditioned by objective isolation and by social forces inside the USSR; it was not the only possible outcome. I would offer a Marxist counterfactual viewpoint, based on the program and documented alternatives of the Left Opposition, which reveals genuine strategic alternatives that were politically feasible yet suppressed by the bureaucracy.[4]

One of the hallmarks of a serious historian is examining all the most important documents or books relevant to the subject matter. This extensive search entails copious reading and attending to the most significant archival research. However, on the latter, it is perhaps extraordinary, though not entirely fatal, that Ireland only visited two archives.

Ireland’s book examines a limited amount of standard facts, such as the GPU (Stalin’s secret police), conducting a prolonged campaign of infiltration, frame-ups and political preparation that culminated in the May 24, 1940, raid led by David Alfaro Siqueiros and the successful August 20–21 assassination by Ramón Mercader.

These stand-out facts are available almost anywhere on the internet. What troubles me greatly is that Ireland and a host of other historians writing about the assassination of Leon Trotsky refuse, point-blank, to either look at or mention the copious amounts of detailed information, including a major ongoing investigation called Security and the Fourth International, available on the World Socialist Website. Writers from the International Committee of the Fourth International and the WSWS have reviewed the facts of the case. Much of the work is groundbreaking and contains information about the assassination that no one else has uncovered. (See, for example, the ICFI’s investigation and David North’s “Trotsky’s Last Year”.[5] The ICFI/WSWS lectures and reports on the GPU plot and its methods, and Eric London’s Agents, The FBI and GPU Infiltration of the Trotskyist Movement. Ireland is either a lazy historian or is ideologically driven to ignore sources from a left-wing perspective that would counter his right-wing narrative.

As the great historian E.H Carr would always say, study the historian before you study the history. In Ireland’s case, this is put on a plate when he made the following comments: “Some writers are frauds, a good number are competent, a select few are geniuses, but all of them are procrastinators. I was a procrastinator long before I was a writer; I think it was my talent for procrastination that made me believe I might have what it took to become one. And now that I am, theoretically, paid to put words on a page, procrastination still occupies the bigger part of my day. My most productive form of procrastination is looking at old photos, specifically of the men and women I’m writing about, even more specifically, the clothes that they wear. Some of this is similar to the pleasure one gets from scrolling through a chic person’s Instagram account or a well-styled lookbook: it’s nice to see interesting people wearing interesting clothes! But I also see it as a valuable avenue of historical and psychological enquiry.

The aesthetic choices people make are as revealing of their personality and predilections as other sources, such as diaries or letters. When we dress, we make a series of choices. Even when we think we’re not making a choice – perhaps because we dress conventionally, according to the fashions or conventions of our time or place; or because we tell ourselves that we don’t care about what we wear – we are showing people something about how we view the world and how we want to engage with it.[6] This quote tells a lot about how Ireland sees the world.

The struggle between Trotsky and Stalin was one of the most important political events of the 20th century and still has a contemporary resonance. Ireland presents this struggle as a personal one. However, the conflict between Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin was not merely a personal rivalry. It was a political-ideological struggle rooted in concrete class interests and the social transformations set in motion by the October Revolution, the Civil War, and the New Economic Policy (NEP). Read dialectically, the confrontation expressed opposing responses to the objective problems of building proletarian power amid economic backwardness, bureaucratic growth and international capitalist restoration.

Josh Ireland’s book, like other contributions from the milieu of postSoviet revisionism, must be assessed not as isolated quarrels over biography but as political products of a social and ideological conjuncture. From a Marxist, materialist standpoint, the central question is: what class interests and social forces underlie attempts to belittle Trotsky and erase the political alternatives he represented?

Definite social forces produce the postSoviet revisionism and the diminishment of Trotskys role. Ireland’s work serves bourgeois material interests and distorts the concrete historical record.

Leon Trotsky is not merely a biographical subject; his work and most importantly, the Theory of Permanent Revolution, his critique of bureaucratic degeneration, and the founding program of the Fourth International, represent an alternative political program to both capitalist restoration and Stalinist bureaucracy. Attempts to reduce Trotsky to a marginal, unreliable, or merely rhetorical figure are not neutral scholarly disputes. They are political operations that, intentionally or not, assist bourgeois ideological currents by obscuring revolutionary perspectives and legitimating the outcomes of Stalinism and postSoviet capitalism.

Josh Ireland’s writings participate in the postSoviet critique and reproduce its tendenciesthen they must be read as part of that broader ideological current. Whether the aim is to reduce Trotsky to a marginal figure, to treat his writings as unreliable, or to portray Stalinist outcomes as inevitable, these propositions are political positions rooted in the shifting balance of class forces since 1991: the restoration of capitalist power in the former USSR, the triumph of market ideology, and the need among sections of the intelligentsia to reconcile with the new order.

The revival of postSoviet falsification is not an abstract scholarly quarrel; it corresponds to real political danger todayweakening the capacity of workers to recognise the need for independent organisation and a revolutionary program.

 



[1] The moral squalor stemming from communist conviction-www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/02/20/leon-trotsky-soviet-communism/

[2] Young Americans Like Socialism Too Much—That’s a Problem Libertarians Must Fix-https://www.cato.org/blog/young-americans-socialism-too-much-thats-problem-libertarians-must-fix

[3] See-keith-perspective.blogspot.com/2026/02/trotsky-passionate-revolutionary-by.html

[4] Was There An Alternative -Vadim Rogovin-Mehring Books 2021

[5] Trotsky’s Last Year-1-6 www.wsws.org/en/articles/2020/08/20/anni-a20.html

[6] On Trotsky & Procrastination-www.williamcrabtree.co.uk/blogs/news