This was a thought-provoking post but I'm not sure I
would agree with all of what you say about Adamson's work here. (You will
probably have guessed that having read my own review of the book!). I think
it's a bit unfair to say it's light on analysis: the sustained way in which
Adamson unpicks the factional manoeuvrings behind the Junto, and particularly
the complicated Anglo-Scottish-Irish connections, are to my mind highly
analytical and considered.
And he does devote lots of space, too, to understanding
why a certain section of peers and MPs were so hostile to Charles I's policies
during the Personal Rule. he does not arrive at a class-based explanation of
this group's actions, but on the evidence I think he's right to locate their
opposition in political and religious ideologies: or to put it another way, to
prioritise superstructure rather than base.
Perhaps it's fairer to say that Adamson's book does not
really engage with those below the level of the political class. There are
moments when he takes a rather monolithic view of politicians controlling the
London crowd: it was probably more complicated than this, and while some
protests in 1641 were I'm sure engineered or at least tacitly supported by the
Junto grandees, many more will have owed their origins to the indepenent
political agency of those participating in them. But to carry out a sustained
analysis of the vertical links between politicians and "people" would
be a very different work of history, and add hundreds of pages to what is
already a monster of a book.
And the book does stop in January 1642, which means that
its chronological scope can't really cover some of the things you mention in
your review. Within these limits I think it is absolutely reasonable for
Adamson to argue that the outbreak of the war - in the sense of Charles and
Parliament coming to blows - is driven by the sustained efforts of the Junto to
achieve a quasi-republican settlement. Yes of course when it comes to
recruiting armies, to choosing sides etc this doesn't look at the motivations
of working people, but in terms of Adamson's focus - what was going on in
London/Edinburgh/Dublin politics that caused the rift between King and
Parliament - the book, for me, breaks new ground.
I'm sure you're right that Adamson has some sympathies
with Charles I (and Strafford, too) - read his chapter in Niall Ferguson's
"Virtual History" for a rollicking attempt to imagine the ancien
regime in England continuing into the late eighteenth century had Charles only
been able to defeat the Scots. But I'm not sure you can argue that he
denigrates Cromwell because of his politics. See for example his chapter in
John Morrill's "Oliver Cromwell and the Puritan Revolution", in which
he conducts a close and considered analysis of Cromwell's attitudes to
Parliament and his behaviour in the Long Parliament.
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