I am grateful for this comment although, alas, I do not
think it is right. After his discussion of the dissolution of the Short
Parliament, John Adamson did not proceed directly to a discussion of the
Petition of the 12 peers but analysed the attitudes of the 2nd Earl of Warwick
and his allies towards the Caroline regime in the 1630s and the evidence for
collusion in the summer of 1640 between the members of the aristocratic Junto
and the Scottish Covenanters.
He identified Maurice Thompson, John Venn and Richard
Shute (Noble revolt, page 79) as the bearers of the petition from London
supporting the peers' petition: Thompson and Venn had had links with Warwick
through their interests in colonization since the late-1620s and in the 1630s,
so his point is valid.
There is, in fact, a mass of material in The Noble Revolt
on the importance of popular pressures on the proceedings of the two Houses in
1640-1642: if you do not believe me, please read Pages 285-288 on the end of
Strafford's life or Pages 468-477 on tumults in the capital. He was and is
interested in the impact of demonstrations and the threat of violence in London
in this and succeeding periods.
Fortunately, a lot is known about how these demonstrations,
etc., were organised from the works of Valerie Pearl, Robert Ashton, Keith
Lindley and others. (See Clarendon Ms.20, fol.129 for Venn's role in coordinating
such demonstrations.)It is, in any event, for John Adamson to develop his
arguments as he wishes rather than meeting old-fashioned Marxist prescriptions.
(This post was forwarded to me by Chris Thompson. It was
left anonymously on his blog. I am publishing because while not agreeing with
every point it does have something to add to the debate. Chris Thompson’s
remarks are also included)
Anonymous
It seems to me that most of the valid intellectual work
Adamson's narrative accomplishes was better done by your own work on the
"middle group. “Then there are the problems. The valid nugget in Livesey's
discontent, I think, is that Adamson has little patience for or interest in
what might be called popular mobilization, even though this was what gave
aristocratic politics its bite. And his treatment of the events of 1640--the
only moment concerning which I have sufficient expertise to comment--is riddled
with significant omissions and errors (example omission: he skips directly from
the dissolution of the Short Parliament to the Lords' Petition, without
offering to explain the summer's agitation; example error: he claims the London
Petition was carried by clients of Warwick). While errors are an unavoidable
part of the scholarly process, these seem more like errors of opportunity to
me, opportunities to affirm the centrality of the figures in his study to the
politics of that year.
For me, the main value of Adamson's work is to reopen the
problem of the politics of the early 1640s. Which is a legitimate
accomplishment. But I understand Livesey's uneasiness.
CT Reply
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