Antony Beevor’s recent comments on the “fictionalisation” of
history raise issues that merit serious discussion. Yet his casual dismissal of
those who question the official narrative of 9/11—by lumping them in with
claims that the CIA created AIDS or that Princess Diana was assassinated by
intelligence services—reveals a deeper problem in contemporary liberal
discourse. It is a tactic designed not to clarify but to foreclose inquiry.
This rhetorical manoeuvre is familiar: associate any
critical examination of state actions with the most outlandish theories
circulating online, thereby discrediting legitimate questions by association.
Yet the documented record surrounding 9/11 cannot be so easily brushed aside.
Germany, Egypt, Russia, and Israel warned Washington about a
potential attack involving hijacked planes. Despite surveillance by US and
German intelligence, Mohamed Atta and other hijackers were repeatedly allowed
to enter and re-enter the US, enroll in flight schools, and move freely,
despite multiple police and immigration encounters. The FBI Minnesota warned
Washington that Zacarias Moussaoui might plan to crash a plane into the World
Trade Center, but was told to stand down. Additionally, a National Security
Decision Directive authorizing military action in Afghanistan was already on
President Bush’s desk on September 3, 2001, a week before the attacks.
These are established facts, not fringe theories. As Patrick
Martin pointed out shortly after the attacks, “It is not necessary to believe
that the American government planned every detail… to see that the most
significant unresolved issue of September 11 is the role of American
intelligence agencies behind the scenes.” The concern isn't whether the Bush
administration organized the attacks but whether parts of the government viewed
a major terrorist act as a convenient pretext for advancing a militarist agenda
that had been forming since the 1990s.
Zbigniew Brzezinski openly stated in The Grand Chessboard
that American global strategy “does not command popular passion, except in
conditions of a sudden threat or challenge to the public’s sense of domestic
well-being.” 9/11 created exactly that threat. The 9/11 Commission, as David
North noted, was “a cynical and mendacious exercise in politically-expedient
cover-up.” No official has ever faced consequences for what was, at best, a
major failure of the entire national security system.
Blending this rational, evidence-backed analysis with
internet myths serves to shield the ruling class from revealing its own
criminal tactics. It is not about defending historical truth but about
upholding political convenience.
Beevor’s concerns about historical fiction are
understandable but not the main issue. This genre has existed since ancient
times; for example, Shakespeare’s history plays are valued more for their
artistic quality than strict accuracy. The real problem is the erosion of
historical awareness, especially under New Labour, which replaced rigorous
history with nationalist myths, superficial skills-focused teaching, and
identity politics. A society that can see history as class struggle threatens
the current social structure, leading to the decline of quality history
education.
The issue isn't that novelists distort the past. It's that
the ruling class is uninterested in a society that comprehends its history.
Defending history today means not only resisting distortions but also
confronting political efforts to erase historical awareness entirely.
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