Royal Mail’s DM26 restructuring signifies a critical shift in the dynamic between postal workers, the Communication Workers Union (CWU), and the corporate powers controlling Britain’s postal service. This is not merely a technical disagreement over workloads or operational procedures; rather, it is a political struggle between the working class and a union machinery that has aligned with management to carry out the most extensive attack on postal workers in many years.
DM26 is not a new initiative; it essentially retains the
same framework as the Optimised Delivery Model under a different name. In
February, 96 per cent of workers at the 35 pilot offices rejected ODM, yet the
CWU leadership claimed this rejection supported DM26. This was intentional, not
accidental; it aimed to establish a model that cuts approximately 25% of jobs
by stacking three workers to cover four roles across 1,250 offices. The CWU
leadership has become the primary political and organisational tool for
implementing Royal Mail’s restructuring, exemplifying how the trade union
bureaucracy operates within modern capitalism. Postal workers must therefore
build independent rank-and-file organisations to challenge these changes
effectively.
A Mandate Manufactured from Above
The CWU’s claim that there is a mandate for DM26 is weak on
closer examination. The consultative ballot on May 29 saw only a 32 per cent
turnout, with 65.4 per cent voting in favour. This indicates that only about
one in five members supported it, which does not amount to a genuine democratic
mandate. Royal Mail was well aware of this and acted without waiting for the
results. The company announced that DM26 would proceed "while the
consultative ballot was still under way.” Because the ballot was symbolic rather
than decision-making, CWU leadership used it to gain legitimacy as they
continued with a restructuring plan already approved by management.
The key term in the agreement is “jointly." Under it,
the company and the union are jointly committed to finishing deployment before
Peak 2026. This isn't a union passively accepting employer pressure; rather,
it's a union actively co-creating and executing a corporate restructuring plan.
The DM26 architecture exposes the union apparatus's true role. Regional
Steering Groups bring together Royal Mail operations managers and CWU officials
to decide whether deployment moves forward in each office. They rely on
“validation exercises, flow charts, and joint reviews,” but importantly,
“workers in the offices have no say in that process.”
This describes the union not as a typical workers'
organisation but as a managerial entity within the company. The CWU is ensuring
the achievement of Royal Mail’s £300 million cost-cutting goal, reported as
structural reductions to be converted into profit by EP Group. The union
apparatus is guaranteeing delivery of the company’s cost target… to be reaped
as profit by owner EP Group.”
The Trade Union Bureaucracy as a Social Layer
The CWU leadership is not merely mistaken or weak. Instead,
it constitutes a specific social class whose material interests hinge on acting
as an intermediary between workers and management. The union bureaucracy’s
purpose is to manage the class conflict, ensuring it remains within boundaries
that favour the profit system. This union structure isn't composed of misled or
frail individuals; rather, it represents a distinct social layer whose economic
position is defined by its role as a mediator between the workforce and
employers.
This shows why even the strongest opposition within the
union stays confined to the agreement's limits. The Bristol and District
Amalgamated Branch stopped DM26 across its region—a notable act of defiance.
However, the branch leadership described their move as a “pause” lasting
"at least one week,” hoping that "the business can show they are
prepared to address the problems."
The South West divisional representatives emphasised the
importance of reaching "reasonable fixes" to avoid "unnecessary
delays to the DM26 timetable.” Despite tension and frustration among
rank-and-file members, the union leadership remains dedicated to maintaining
the timetable, the joint structures, and the overall model. This situation does
not exemplify true union democracy; instead, it reveals the structural
limitations of the union's democratic process.
The CWU’s public defence of DM26 rests on three claims, each
of which falls apart on closer inspection. The problems are limited to 39
units. The union’s letter to branches states that DM26-related issues occur in
only 39 delivery units. However, it also admits that 114 units face operational
problems affecting clearance and performance, and 87 offices did not respond.
The focus on “39 or 114” is a distraction. Essentially, the union is arguing
over numbers while recognising that the model is struggling across a
significant part of the network, just a quarter into its deployment.
The 98.2 per cent delivery point coverage suggests the
model's effectiveness based on Royal Mail data. However, the exact coverage
figure remains unclear. An office can record high coverage while workers cannot
complete their duties.” The union seems to be helping manipulate performance
metrics to hide the crisis. "6,000 part-timers will move to
full-time." The CWU has described this as an “opportunity” throughout the
programme. Yet, by August 8, only 310 workers had been permanently
transitioned—approximately 5 per cent of the target. The union’s larger count
of 1,585 includes 1,275 temporary transfers. The “6,000 opportunity” was always
a sales pitch to soften the reality: heavier walks, longer days, and the
elimination of roughly one job in four.
The Broader Political Context: Tripartism and Class
Collaboration
The changes at Royal Mail are part of a broader global
campaign targeting postal and logistics workers. Similar actions are happening
“in Canada under the Liberal government, in the United States, and in Britain
under Labour." The CWU’s involvement with Kretinsky’s EP Group exemplifies
a tripartite alliance among trade unions, corporations, and the Labour
government. This coalition is being formed to enforce austerity measures,
restructure the industry, and support Britain’s role in the growing global
conflict. The union bureaucracy’s role is indispensable to this process. It
provides the political legitimacy and organisational machinery needed to
implement restructuring without provoking a mass rebellion.
The trade union bureaucracy cannot be transformed into a
tool for working-class struggle for the same reasons that the capitalist state
cannot be transformed into an instrument of socialism. Ward and Walsh are not
exceptions; they are the logical outcomes of a structure that relies on
preserving labour discipline and ensuring the enterprise's profitability.
The Rank‑and‑File Alternative
Postal workers must build independent rank-and-file groups.
The Postal Workers Rank-and-File Committee already works to organise actions
across depots without interference from union leadership. This isn't sectarian;
it's the only practical way to stop DM26. The union's structure inherently
supports enforcing the agreement and cannot be swayed to oppose the
restructuring it helped establish. Workers cannot rely on the union apparatus
for defence and must create their own organisations to coordinate actions
across depots independently of union leadership.
DM26 is not merely a restructuring plan. It is a test case
for the future of labour relations in Britain. If Royal Mail succeeds in
imposing a model that cuts one job in four, intensifies workloads, and
transforms the union into a managerial partner, it will set a precedent for
every sector where unions are integrated into corporate governance.
The fight against DM26 is therefore a fight for the
working class's political independence. It requires rejecting the false
alternatives offered by the CWU and building a movement that links postal
workers with rail workers, NHS staff, teachers, logistics workers, and every
other section of the working class confronting similar attacks. The stakes are defending
jobs, working conditions, and the public service against billionaire investors'
profit drive.
