Thursday, 13 March 2025

Mark Olden’s Murder in Notting Hill: A Book That Names a Killer But Flinches From the Politics of Fascism

Mark Olden’s Murder in Notting Hill is a powerful example of investigative journalism. It carefully reconstructs the racially motivated killing of Kelso Cochrane in 1959, overcoming decades of official silence. Olden pinpoints the probable suspect, uncovers the police cover-up, and reveals the political motives behind the authorities' responses. However, despite these achievements, the book ultimately refrains from drawing the broader political conclusions that its evidence suggests.

A killer known, a case buried

Olden started investigating the case in 2005 and soon realised what many in Notting Hill had known since the night of the murder: the identity of Cochrane’s attacker was an open secret. By interviewing witnesses and relatives of the main suspect, he was able to piece together the events that led to the killing and scrutinise how the two men initially arrested were handled. Their conflicting stories were subtly coordinated after they shared adjoining cells, and both were eventually released without any charges.

His earlier work on the BBC documentary Who Killed My Brother? provided him with access to witnesses and records that few independent writers could reach. Yet, at the National Archives, he faced many obstacles. The relevant files were kept sealed until 2044 or 2054 for “law-enforcement” reasons, even though the prime suspect had already died. Only persistent pressure from Cochrane’s family led to their early release. What these files uncovered was not just a failure to bring a murderer to justice, but evidence of a political plan.

The state’s priority: containing unrest, not confronting fascism

The documents reveal that the Labour government and the Metropolitan Police prioritised controlling the aftermath of the 1958 racist riots in Notting Hill and Nottingham over solving Cochrane’s murder. Their main concern was that anti-fascist activism, especially among Black and working-class youth, might spiral out of official control. The murder was viewed not as an act committed by organised fascists but as a public order threat requiring suppression.

Olden accurately determines that the killing was planned and organised by fascist groups. However, he does not explore the wider implications. The state’s reaction was not an anomaly; it reflects a consistent pattern where British governments have downplayed far-right violence and viewed anti-racist activism as a challenge to be managed. While his analogy with the Stephen Lawrence case is fitting, the crucial question—why the state acts in this manner—remains largely unexamined.

Kelso Cochrane and the Pseudo‑Lefts

The racially motivated murder of Kelso Cochrane in Notting Hill in 1959 is a stark example of postwar Britain's issues. It was more than just a killing; it was a political act following fascist-organised violence, with a cover-up by the state lasting over fifty years. Mark Olden’s Murder in Notting Hill details the crime with clarity, identifying the probable culprit and uncovering the system that protected him from trial. However, the book stops short of analysing the political contexts that allowed the murder to happen. This reflects a broader pattern of avoidance frequently seen in Britain’s pseudo-left movements.

Olden’s research uncovered what many in Notting Hill have known since 1959: the identity of Cochrane’s killer was an open secret. Witnesses and family members pointed to a specific individual whose conflicting statements were quietly managed by police after he and another suspect were held in adjoining cells. The National Archives tried to keep the relevant files sealed until the mid-21st century, citing “law-enforcement” reasons, even though the prime suspect had been long deceased. Only pressure from Cochrane’s family led to their release. The documents revealed that the Labour government and the Metropolitan Police were more concerned with maintaining order, suppressing anti-fascist protests, and hiding organised fascist activity than solving the murder.

Olden’s book is strong in journalism but weak in political analysis. It suggests that racist violence in the late 1950s was a reflection of white working-class prejudices. This view distorts the class dynamics of that period. Cliff Slaughter, writing at the time, attributed the riots and murders to the economic crisis of the late 1950s—characterised by rising unemployment, insecurity, and deliberate racial scapegoating by political and media institutions. Fascism did not emerge spontaneously from “working-class racism"; rather, it was financed, organised, and exploited by sections of the ruling class. Its goal was to redirect working-class anger away from capital and onto racial minorities and to involve the most atomised workers and petty bourgeoisie in a movement against the entire working class.

Trotsky’s summation remains decisive: fascism triumphs only where the working class proves unable to take society’s fate into its own hands. This is precisely the analysis the pseudo-lefts have spent decades avoiding. Their narratives reduce racist violence to cultural prejudice, “whiteness,” or the moral failings of ordinary people. They treat fascism as a pathology rather than a weapon of class rule. In doing so, they reproduce the same blind spot that weakens Olden’s otherwise impressive book. They obscure the link between capitalist crisis and the growth of fascism and erase the revolutionary potential of the working class by portraying it as either inert or reactionary. 

Where the book falters: the politics of fascism

Olden’s narrative suggests that the white working class in the late 1950s was either indifferent to or complicit in racist violence. However, this view is one-sided and masks the complex class dynamics of that era.

In Labour Review, Cliff Slaughter provided a far deeper analysis of the 1958 Notting Hill and Nottingham riots than anything found in contemporary journalism or in Olden’s account. Writing as the events unfolded, Slaughter rejected the notion that the violence expressed some innate racism within the working class. He located its origins in the economic crisis of the late 1950s: rising unemployment, casualised labour, and the deliberate cultivation of racial scapegoating by political and media institutions. Fascist groups, he argued, were able to operate because they served definite class interests.

Their agitation diverted anger away from capital and onto racial minorities, while offering the ruling class a means of recruiting the most atomised layers of workers and the petty bourgeoisie into a movement directed against the working class as a whole. Slaughter’s analysis aligned with Trotsky’s essential insight that fascism is not a spontaneous eruption of prejudice but a political project financed and tolerated by sections of big business, emerging in periods when the ruling class can no longer govern through parliamentary means.

Trotsky’s key insight remains crucial: fascism isn't a mere spontaneous outburst of popular prejudice. Instead, it is a political strategy funded by parts of big business, intended to destroy working-class organisation when the ruling class can no longer govern through parliamentary channels. Fascism succeeds only when the working class cannot control the direction of society.

This framework is missing from Olden’s book. Consequently, Kelso Cochrane's murder is seen as a tragic event within a racist society rather than as part of a wider political crisis. In this situation, the ruling class tolerated fascist violence to maintain social stability.

Conclusion

Murder in Notting Hill effectively exposes a government cover-up, identifying the killer, reconstructing the crime, and unveiling the institutional forces that concealed the truth for decades. However, it omits discussion of the political dynamics that led to both the murder and the cover-up. Those interested in understanding why fascism gained ground in 1950s Britain—and how to oppose it today—must look elsewhere. The origins of fascism are rooted not in the prejudices of ordinary individuals but in the crises of capitalism and the political tactics of the ruling elite. Without that analysis, Kelso Cochrane’s murder risks being viewed solely as a historical injustice, rather than part of an ongoing struggle over the future of the working class.

 

Sources and Bibliography

Primary Sources

  • National Archives, Kew
    • MEPO (Metropolitan Police) files relating to the investigation into the murder of Kelso Cochrane (released early following legal pressure from the Cochrane family).
    • Home Office papers on race relations, public order, and far‑right activity in Notting Hill and Nottingham, 1958–59.
  • BBC Documentary
    • Who Killed My Brother? (BBC, 2006). Produced with research contributions from Mark Olden; includes interviews with witnesses and family members.
  • Contemporaneous Marxist Analysis
    • Slaughter, Cliff. “The Riots: A Class Analysis.” Labour Review, 1958–59. (Trotskyist interpretation of the Notting Hill and Nottingham unrest, locating fascist agitation within the crisis of British capitalism.)

Books and Scholarly Works

  • Olden, Mark. Murder in Notting Hill. Zero Books, 2011. Investigative reconstruction of the Cochrane case, drawing on interviews and newly released archival material.
  • Trotsky, Leon. The Struggle Against Fascism in Germany. Pathfinder Press. Foundational Marxist analysis of fascism as a class project rooted in capitalist crisis.
  • Fryer, Peter. Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain. Pluto Press, 1984. Essential background on Black British history, including postwar migration and racist violence.
  • Richards, Steve. Race, Riots and Policing: The Origins of the Notting Hill Riots. A detailed study of the 1958 unrest and the political context in which Cochrane was murdered.
  • Gilroy, Paul. There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack. Hutchinson, 1987. Analysis of race, nationalism, and state power in postwar Britain.
  • Lawrence Inquiry (Macpherson Report). The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny. HMSO, 1999. Key document on institutional racism in British policing; relevant for parallels with the Cochrane case.

Articles and Secondary Literature

  • Fielding, Steven. “The Labour Party and Race Relations, 1945–1965.” Twentieth Century British History. Examines Labour’s political handling of race and public order during the period of the Cochrane murder.
  • Ward, Paul. “Fascism in Postwar Britain.” Journal of Contemporary History. Overview of far‑right organising and its relationship to state institutions.

 

 

Sunday, 2 March 2025

Diary of a Nobody

 A Trumpet of Sedition achieved two notable milestones. The first was reaching 500 articles on the website. The second and most prominent is having 10,000 hits in a calendar month for the first time. The last few months have seen me do a lot of research for numerous projects and book reviews. My ultimate goal is to reduce the hours of my full-time job and concentrate more on writing and research.

I am way behind on several book projects, and the number of books I need to review grows by the second. To someone reading the blog without knowing me, it may seem my choice of books is random, to say the least. So, I will explain my reasoning. The website is divided up into areas of interest to me. So when a published book falls into my interest, I review it. Some areas of interest are bigger than others. For instance, the 17th-century English Revolution still plays a major role in the life of the website. There is a spontaneous aspect to my writing as well. The next book review will be of Mark Olden’s Murder In Notting Hill.

A neighbour had left a pile of books for anyone to take, and this fascinating book was in the pile. In the early days of the website, I received books from publishers to review. Although this has dried up considerably, I still get a few, so I am obliged to review them. The only drawback is that some fall out of my interest or expertise. The next two reviews will be Michael Braddick’s biography of Christopher Hill. Secondly, John Rees kindly sent me a copy of his new book, The Fiery Spirits, the sequel to his previous work, The Leveller Revolution, also published by Verso.

 

Recent Books

1.    The Fiery Spirits John Rees Verso

2.    Christopher Hill-The Life of a Radical Historian-Michael Braddick-Verso

3.    John Adams and the Fear of American Oligarchy-Luke Mayville-Princeton

4.    Bound For Glory-Woody Guthrie-Penguin

5.    Red Africa-Kevin Okoth Verso

6.    Raising the Red Flag-T Collins-Haymarket

7.    The Nazi Mind-Laurence Rees-Penguin Viking

8.    Son Of the Century-Antonio Scurati

 

 Media

The LRB Podcast-On Vigdis Hjorth•Wednesday, February 5, 2025

shows.acast.com/londonreviewpodcasts/episodes/on-Vigdis-Hjorth

Book Launch: Christopher Hill: The Life of a Radical Historian by Michael Braddick-

Housemans 5 Caledonian Rd, London N1 9DX | shop@housmans.com

020 7837 4473

John Rees book launch events- On 10 March, I’ll be on BBCR4’s Start the Week. In April, there’ll be a central London launch. On 10 May, I’ll be talking about ‘Radical MPs and the Long Parliament’ in Parliament itself! On 22 May there’s a launch at Goldsmiths, organised jointly by the History and Media Studies Departments. On 29 May, I’ll record an episode of the excellent World Turned Upside Down podcast. On 4 June I’ll be speaking in the Cromwell Museum’s

Mussolini: Son of the Century-This new Sky Original drama series chronicles Benito Mussolini’s rise to power based on the above book.

 

Sunday, 23 February 2025

Review: The Writers’ Castle: Reporting History at Nuremberg-Uwe Neumahr, translated by Jefferson Chase Pushkin Press, 352pp, £25

“The wrongs which we seek to condemn and punish have been so calculated, so malignant, and so devastating that civilisation cannot tolerate their being ignored because it cannot survive their being repeated. We must never forget that the record on which we judge these defendants today is the record upon which history will judge us tomorrow.”

Chief Prosecutor Robert H. Jackson

“To initiate a war of aggression, therefore, is not only an international crime; it is the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.”

“War makes murderers out of otherwise decent people. All wars, and all decent people.”—Ben Ferencz

The leader by will of the people differs from the leader by will of God in that the former is compelled to clear the road for himself or, at any rate, to assist the conjuncture of events in discovering him. Nevertheless, the leader is always a relation between people, the individual supply to meet the collective demand. The controversy over Hitler’s personality becomes the sharper the more the secret of his success is sought in himself. In the meantime, another political figure would be difficult to find that is, in the same measure, the focus of anonymous historical forces. Not every exasperated petty bourgeois could have become Hitler, but a particle of Hitler is lodged in every exasperated petty bourgeois.

Leon Trotsky- What Is National Socialism? (June 1933)

This is an interesting and well-researched book on the writers who covered the Nuremburg Trials of leading Nazis after the Second World War. The magnitude of the trials drew in journalists and writers from all over the world. Writers John Dos Passos, Rebecca West, Martha Gellhorn, Janet Flanner, William Shirer, and future German politicians such as Willy Brandt all observed the trials. The title of the writers’ castle was because the journalists were housed in the Schloss Faber-Castell castle in Stein, a nearby town.

Neumahr is a German author and literary agent, and his book is less about the crimes of the Nazis but more about the writer's reaction to the crimes of the Nazis. As Neumahr points out in the book, not all journalists or writers cover themselves with glory. Even a cursory glance at their reports of the trials shows that some resorted to outright lying and presented less-than-objective accounts of the proceedings. Alfred Döblin, the author of Berlin Alexanderplatz, offered a first-hand account of the courtroom he never went to.

Others brought their ideological baggage with them, which showed in their articles. Erika Mann was the daughter of the novelist Thomas Mann. Because of the Nazi’s treatment of the Jews, (she was considered a Jew by the Nazis) she held an abiding hatred of the Nazis, which coloured her writings on the trial. The French Stalinist writer Elsa Triolet wrote many misleading and downright false reports to support her belief that the Anglo-American judges and lawyers were pro-Nazi.

Neumahr’s approach is “biographical and kaleidoscopic”. Given the highly political nature of the trial, it is a little strange that NeuMahr rarely delves into the politics of prosecutions or the writers that covered it, which is a big weakness in the book. As Bill Niven points out, “In most cases, he is as much, if not more, preoccupied with the lives of his chosen protagonists before, during and after their time at the Faber-Castell castle than he is with their actual journalistic response to the military tribunal. Neumahr is especially interested in all the social goings-on at the castle, whose guests – despite the separation of male and female quarters and, eventually, of Soviet reporters from all others – enjoyed a high level of fraternisation. Neumahr follows the various relationships of his protagonists. Erika Mann moved into the castle with her partner and fellow reporter Betty Knox (whom she referred to as her ‘beloved lunatic’) despite the press camp being run by the American military, for whom homosexuality was a punishable crime. Rebecca West and Francis Biddle, a US judge at Nuremberg, had an affair. As Neumahr tells it, this was something of a relief for both parties: ‘Like Biddle, the fifty-three-year-old West was sexually frustrated’, he writes, because ‘she hadn’t had sex with her husband in years.’ In his chapter on Gellhorn, we learn about her tempestuous relationship with Ernest Hemingway, while the chapter on the Prix Goncourt-winning Russian-French writer Elsa Triolet – who stayed in Nuremberg’s Grand Hotel and not the castle – focuses heavily on her relationship with the poet Louis Aragon.”[1]

The book's strongest part is how Neumahr relates to how many writers and journalists were morally tarnished by political bias or other prejudices. This applies to author Eric Kästner[2]. One of my favourite childhood books was Emil and the Detectives. Despite having his books burnt by the Nazis in 1933, Kastner made a career for himself under the Nazis.

According to his Wikipedia page, “ The Gestapo interrogated Kästner several times, the national writers' guild expelled him, and the Nazis burned his books as "contrary to the German spirit" during the book burnings of 10 May 1933, instigated by Joseph Goebbels. Kästner witnessed the event in person and later wrote about it. He was denied membership in the new Nazi-controlled national writers' guild, Reichsverband deutscher Schriftsteller (RDS), because of what its officials called the "culturally Bolshevist attitude in his writings before 1933. During the Third Reich, Kästner published apolitical novels such as Drei Männer im Schnee (Three Men in the Snow) (1934) in Switzerland. In 1942, he received a special exemption to write the screenplay for Münchhausen, using the pseudonym Berthold Bürger. The film was a prestige project by Ufa Studios to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of its establishment, an enterprise backed by Goebbels.

In 1944, Kästner's home in Berlin was destroyed during a bombing raid. In early 1945, he and others pretended that they had to travel to the rural community of Mayrhofen in Tyrol for location shooting for a (non-existent) film, Das falsche Gesicht (The Wrong Face). The actual purpose of the journey was to avoid the final Soviet assault on Berlin. Kästner had also received a warning that the SS planned to kill him and other Nazi opponents before the arrival of the Soviets.[8] He was in Mayrhofen when the war ended. He wrote about this period in a diary published in 1961 under the title Notabene 45. Another edition, closer to Kästner's original notes, was published in 2006 under the title Das Blaue Buch (The Blue Book).”[3]

Neumahr’s intention was never to write about the political nature or the duplicity of those prosecuting the Nazis. As Bill Hunter points “During this ten months, while the prosecutors of Britain, France, America and the Soviet Union, listed the sickening crimes of Nazism, world events showed the hypocrisy of the prosecuting Allies. Even while the aggressions of the Nazis were being recounted. British imperialism was maintaining a regime of terror and oppression in Greece, suppressing the colonial peoples struggling for freedom, and strafing Indonesian villages.The British prosecutor prated about justice. Meanwhile, Dr Kiesselbach, according to Tribune 6 September a declared opponent of de-Nazification was placed by British imperialism in charge of the German “Central Office of Justice”.

While the courtroom resounded with castigations of Nazi oppression and racial discrimination, American imperialist suppression was active in the Philippines, and lynch law was rampant in the Southern States.The prosecutors denounced the occupation methods of the Nazis. Yet, even while the French prosecutor mouthed phrases of indignation, the agents of French imperialism were torturing the natives of Indo-China and burning their villages.The miseries of slave labour under the Nazis were related to the court at the same time as 10 million Germans were uprooted and wandered homeless as a result of the wholesale expulsion policy of the Soviet bureaucracy. In the face of world events during the trial, who can deny that at Nuremberg, the pot called the kettle black, blackening itself still further even while doing so?[4]

 



[2] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Erich_K%C3%A4stner

[3]  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Erich_K%C3%A4stner

[4]  Bill Hunter on the Nuremberg Trial-). It was published in Socialist Appeal in October 1946. www.marxists.org/history/etol/revhist/otherdox/nurember.htm

Thursday, 13 February 2025

An interview with Elijah Wald, author of Dylan Goes Electric! by David Walsh

To compliment my Article on Elijah Wald's book I have published this interview which first appeared on WSWS.org


Elijah Wald (born 1959) is a musician, journalist and music historian. He is the author of a number of books, including Escaping the Delta: Robert Johnson and the Invention of the Blues (2005), How the Beatles Destroyed Rock ‘n’ Roll: An Alternative History of American Popular Music (2009), The Blues: A Very Short Introduction (2010) and Jelly Roll Blues–Censored Songs & Hidden Histories (2024). 

Elijah Wald 

His Dylan Goes Electric! Newport, Seeger, Dylan, and the Night That Split the Sixties (2015) is the work on which the recent film about Bob Dylan’s early days in music, A Complete Unknown (James Mangold), is loosely based. Wald also co-authored folk singer and musician Dave Van Ronk’s posthumously published memoir, Dave Van Ronk: The Mayor of MacDougal Street (2005). 

We spoke in January in a video call. 

*  *  *  *  * 

David Walsh: For the benefit of our readers, could you give us a sense of your own background and how you came to be interested in music, or play music, or listen to music? 

Elijah Wald: Sure. I grew up in Cambridge, Massachusetts, which doesn’t hurt, particularly for the kind of music we’re talking about. 

The first concert I remember seeing in my life was a children’s concert when I was five years old by Jim Kweskin and the Jug Band. That world was all around me. I was probably eight years old and saw Pete Seeger with the crew of the Sloop Clearwater. For me, it just was like, “Okay, that looks like more fun than what any of the other grownups were doing, I want to do that.” 

That was the plan. I read Woody Guthrie’s Bound for Glory. I was going to be a rambling hobo folk singer. That was that, and basically that was how I planned my life for the next 20-plus years. 

I was lucky. I had a half-brother who played guitar. He was painfully shy about it, I never heard him play, but I did have his records. He had the complete country blues fan’s record collection circa 1965 or so. So I grew up on that as well. I had an uncle who had gone to school with [critic] Ralph Gleason and could get me free records from Fantasy Records, so I had a couple of things with Dave Van Ronk on them. 

I saw that Van Ronk was going to be playing in Boston. My mom took me to the concert, I think I was 13, and I was absolutely blown away. A week or so later, a young woman who was over at our house turned out to be a close friend of Dave’s, and she took me to meet him next time he played in Boston. I learned that he gave guitar lessons, and when it got time to go to college, I decided to go to New York University for one year so I could take guitar lessons from Dave Van Ronk—and then I would drop out and be a rambling folk singer, and that’s what I did. 

I actually went off to Europe where it was easier to be a rambling hobo folk singer than in the US. For the next 12 years basically, I went back and forth trying to make a living that way, and eventually started doing a little bit of writing for the Boston Globe. The years went by, and with every passing year, I was making more money from the writing and it was becoming clearer that I was not going to be able to make a living just playing music. 

I continued and continue to do both, but the writing eventually treated me better than the music did economically. 

I made a living full-time as a writer. I did some teaching, like a lot of writers. Basically, writing was the main income and the Bob Dylan book [Dylan Goes Electric!] is a perfect example. 

First time around, that book paid for two years of my life, second time with the movie, that paid for another two years of my life. That’s not normally how my books work, but that’s how Dylan books work. That’s why I did a Dylan book. I did not expect a movie, but I did the Dylan book specifically because my previous book had not sold well, and I needed to do a book that was going to sell. 

DW: Has it sold, besides being made into a movie? 

EW: Oh, yeah. How well the book sold to the public is another question. But it sold to a publisher instantly for three times as much as I’ve ever gotten for any of my other books. Dylan books, despite the fact that there are so many of them, are an easy sell. I think it’s because of the way the economics of the book industry work. Essentially, women are book buyers, and physical books—and this originally came out strictly as hardcover—are things people buy as gift items. Every white woman in America over the age of 40 knows a man who is a Dylan nut. 

This didn’t occur to me until I was going around doing signings and women kept coming up, buying the book and asking me to sign it to a male name. 

DW: Nonetheless, whatever its origins, you obviously took the assignment seriously because it’s an interesting, complicated book. 

EW: It’s actually a funny story. I got into that book because I’d written a book called How the Beatles Destroyed Rock ‘n’ Roll [2011], which is a history of popular music from 1890 to 1970 with a catchy title, so people will pick it up. But in February 2014, the 50th anniversary of the Beatles arriving in the US, some reporters who didn’t have any better ideas or who’d run out of other angles, were calling me up for Beatles stories. 

I thought, is there a 50th anniversary coming up that I could jump on? I thought of Dylan going electric in Newport. I figured, that’s been written about so much, I could just pull together a book. I’ll only have six months or so, but it’s all out there. I could just pull something together quick and dirty. 

Dylan Goes Electric! (2015) 

Then I started looking into it and realized that everything I had gone in thinking I knew was wildly oversimplified or simply wrong. It ended up being a very, very busy six months. It is a complicated story, and he’s not the only complicated person involved. 

I had originally imagined doing a sort of background of the folk scene, and then Dylan arrives, but I realized it would work better as a narrative if I made Pete Seeger stand for the entire folk scene, which he reasonably was in that moment. 

As of 1960, whatever you meant by the folk scene, you meant some kind of Pete Seeger music. And that, for me, became the heart of the project, because I think the way a lot of people see that story is Pete was the open, simple guy, and in comes this complicated, difficult guy who’s Bob Dylan—and there was no one on earth more complicated than Pete Seeger. 

So it became the whole story of these two very complicated, very guarded, I think very shy, and in their separate ways, extraordinarily talented and influential figures, who came together and split apart. 

DW: When did you become aware of Bob Dylan?  

EW: Ha. I can tell you almost exactly. My father brought back Bob Dylan’s Greatest Hits [1967]. My father [scientist George Wald] was a professor, very active in the anti-war movement and very interested in being in tune with his students. So he picked up Bob Dylan’s Greatest Hits because he wanted to know who this guy was. 

I had this little four-speed record player up in my room, but my parents wouldn’t let me play their LPs on it. But I inherited my grandparents’ 78 albums, and therefore my records were the basic Jewish Communist record collection circa 1944. So I had the Almanac Singers, the Union Boys, Leadbelly, Josh White, Paul Robeson and the Spanish Civil War songs and the Red Army Chorus. 

I didn’t much like the Red Army Chorus, but all the rest of those I listened to assiduously. I may be the youngest person on the planet who was a Woody Guthrie nut before I heard Bob Dylan. In any case, my father brought home the Greatest Hits, and he put on “Rainy Day Women #12 & 35.” 

I said, he’s a terrible singer. My father said, but he sounds like Woody Guthrie. I said, he doesn’t sound anything like Woody Guthrie, which by that time in his career was true. So that’s when I first heard Dylan. Like a lot of people, sort of like the people who booed when he went electric at Newport, I got over that first reaction and was a hardcore fan certainly within weeks, if not within days. 

DW: What were the myths or unresolved questions you wanted to address, or that you came across, in writing your Dylan book? 

EW: There were a couple of key things I didn’t understand. The central thing was I went in like everybody else thinking about Dylan as a songwriter, and it rather quickly struck me that the story of Dylan going electric at Newport in 1965 is not at all about songwriting. 

That’s a story about Dylan as a musician and performer. Everybody traces Dylan in terms of the background that leads to his becoming a songwriter, and how he develops as a songwriter. If you simply put that aside and try to trace his musical evolution, it’s a very, very different picture. He starts out playing in a rock ‘n’ roll band in high school, he gets into folk music, specifically through black folk singers. 

I know a number of black musicians who got into folk music following Harry Belafonte, Odetta and Leon Bibb. That was not an unusual path for any young black singer who reached folk music at all, the few who did in that moment. But I know of no other white performer who came in by that route. 

The story is that Dylan showed up in New York because of Woody Guthrie. That’s partly true, but not because he wanted to play like Woody Guthrie or write like Woody Guthrie. The key Woody Guthrie addiction for him, as it was for me, was reading Bound for Glory and wanting to be Woody Guthrie. Being Woody Guthrie was a completely different exercise. 

In the earliest interview with Dylan, when someone, in fact, Izzy Young [of the Folklore Center in Greenwich Village], described him as playing folk music, Dylan said, I don’t even know what that means. I play old jazz tunes, pop 40 stuff, cowboy songs. People have to call it something, so they call it folk music. He meant that. He was being Woody Guthrie, who likewise played whatever was on the jukebox and old blues songs. And, yes, Dylan also wrote some stuff, and he rather quickly met up with Dave Van Ronk, and blues really became what he did. 

The first album [Bob Dylan, 1962] is heavily blues-influenced, but the second album that never got issued, which he was recording before he made the left turn into The Freewheelin’ Bob Dylan [1963] was a blues album, part acoustic, part electric. If you think about the fact that he was recording electric blues back in ‘61-62, that completely changes the story of his finally making that music three or four years later. 

Bob Dylan (1962) 

He basically made a brief left turn into writing the sort of songs that Albert Grossman could hand to Peter, Paul and Mary and get top 40 hits. But most of us came to him via Peter, Paul and Mary and Blowin’ in the Wind [1962] and thought of him as the guy who writes those pretty folk songs, and he never was that guy, except for two years in the middle there. 

DW: Van Ronk thought of himself as a jazz musician. Why did the music suddenly become channeled through this genre called folk music? 

EW: First of all, because it was happening. Second of all, because you didn’t have to hold a band together. You could just go out there by yourself with a guitar. Whatever kind of music you play, the money is lousy if you’re a relative unknown. Be it Van Ronk with jazz, where you would need to be probably five or six guys, or Dylan with rock ‘n’ roll, where you would need four or five guys, the money would be exactly the same as if you went out there by yourself with an acoustic guitar. So just economically, there were huge advantages to the folk scene. 

DW: But why was the folk scene going? That’s the question. 

EW: Largely, actually for the same reason, because it was cheap. Part of the answer is there are a bunch of different folk scenes. The world of the Tarriers, the Kingston Trio and all of that was happening because pop music had hit an impasse. 

You had, on the one hand, characters like Frank Sinatra essentially still doing the music of the 1940s. On the other hand, you had rock, which was dumb teenage music. If you were a college student in this environment and wanted your sound, basically your options were modern jazz, the baroque “early music” revival, which was happening in the same world, or folk music. 

Most people didn’t choose between them. Typically, if you went into a college dorm at that point, someone who had a Kingston Trio album was likely to also have some Bach or [Alfred] Deller Consort, Miles Davis, Dave Brubeck definitely. Dave Brubeck and the Kingston Trio were in the same record collection. 

The way people think about genre is completely wrong. What we’re talking here is class. This is the middle class intelligentsia listening to Brubeck and the Kingston Trio. 

The left were the intellectuals, the intellectuals were listening to folk music. After the McCarthy era knocks out the first round of folkies, it doesn’t knock out that association of folk music being what the smart people are listening to. 

It’s one of the weird facts of life—I mention it in the Dylan book—that the Kingston Trio make their East Coast debut at [Greenwich Village jazz club] the Village Vanguard on a double bill with Thelonious Monk. 

In Greenwich Village there was another thing happening, which was the Beat coffeehouses with the poets, and in between the poets, they would stick on folk singers, frankly, because like the poets, they would work for virtually nothing. And they were around. By the early 60s, you had a huge audience of people from Omaha and so forth who had seen Bell, Book and Candle [1958 film set in Greenwich Village]. When they came to New York, they wanted to go to a Broadway show, go see the Statue of Liberty, and go down to the Village and see the weirdos. 

Dobie Gillis [a television situation comedy with a prominent “Beatnik” character] and Bell, Book and Candle. So there was this audience that was being bused in on weekends, and making the coffeehouses a going proposition, and they had to fill the stage with something. 

So, it’s poets and folk singers. It wasn’t particularly economically viable. Then the Kingston Trio got their hits, and then Albert Grossman had this brilliant idea of Peter, Paul and Mary. If you look at the first Peter, Paul and Mary album [1962], Peter and Paul look like members of the Modern Jazz Quartet, they have exactly the same beards and suits, and they’re standing against the same brick wall, and they have the beautiful blond between them, which is a nice addition. 

It was simply designed to be the collegiate sound of the moment. Grossman heard Bob Dylan’s songs and he went, “Perfect.” And there’s the package. It’s what the intelligent young English major is listening to. 

DW: Yes, but it seems to me at a certain point, something else comes up, something else bubbles up. There’s an audience … 

EW: There’s the civil rights movement. 

DW: There’s a hunger for something. 

Peter, Paul and Mary (1962) 

EW: There was a hunger for something, but that hunger was being sated in a lot of different ways. There was your roommate, if you were unlucky, or the guy next door, if you were slightly luckier, who couldn’t understand why you were listening to that stupid folk garbage, rather than Miles Davis! There were plenty of ways to be smart, right? When Dylan went electric, it gave people permission, in fact, to pull out the records they really enjoyed, the Beatles and the Rolling Stones, and to feel that that was just as grown up and intelligent, indeed more intelligent. 

DW: There was the desire obviously of a generation, or part of a generation, for what they perceived to be more authentic, less slick, less palatable and less commercial than Sinatra and Broadway musicals. 

EW: Pete Seeger clearly was part of that. And let’s remember that Joan Baez is the unbelievable breakthrough in this whole period. Because the Kingston Trio was fun and they had singles on the radio, but Joan Baez never has a hit single if we’re talking that early period, like ’60, ’61, ’62, she has no singles, no radio play. She puts out three albums, and I think if you look at the top one hundred selling albums in 1962, three of them are Joan Baez albums on a classical music label with no singles. 

Because she is the most uncommercial artist on the planet, and she really was. That’s one of the interesting things, unlike Bob Dylan, who wanted to be a rock star, Joan Baez really, truly was the character that she portrayed. 

There are many ways to define authenticity, but one is not wanting to be part of the pop music machine. Joan Baez, at every turn, when offered a chance to be part of that machine, refused, and yet became huge. There it gets gendered, because it was much, much more a female audience than a male audience who went with Baez, and also Peter, Paul and Mary. 

I think the authenticity thing you mention is absolutely real and very powerful, particularly in that moment where a lot of young people are profoundly disaffected with what was going on in the world around them. But there were a lot of ways to be a rebel, disaffected and looking for “the real thing.” 

You could go with hardcore rock ‘n’ roll. You could go Joan Baez. You could, as I said, go to jazz. You could go back to early music, which was bound up with that same concern for authenticity—no symphonies, no playing Bach on piano, it’s going to be harpsichord. 

I don’t think there’s any accident to the fact that the same record companies recording young musicians playing folk music authentically on banjos are also putting out Bach played authentically on harpsichord. Be it Vanguard [Records], be it Elektra, be it Folkways. The overlap of early music and the authentic end of the folk scene, I think there’s nothing accidental there at all. 

DW: I would argue there are relatively universal, objective qualities in music. There’s a reason why people are still listening to Bob Dylan in some cases, or, for that matter, Bach. 

EW: I don’t know if you actually want to go down this road, but if you do, no, I disagree completely. 

DW: Okay, well, let’s not then. In your book, you build up a picture of Bob Dylan’s development. 

I was struck by the fact that in high school, he was a would-be rock and roll musician. It seems that the Woody Guthrie interest came out of nowhere. You suggest that it was more a literary-lifestyle issue than a musical one, linked to his reading Bound for Glory. 

You point out as well that he was a sponge, that he picked up things enormously quickly, and that was a great strength. He could take on various personas quickly, and with a certain depth and with a certain understanding. 

It doesn’t seem to me that there was anything necessarily cynical about his radicalization for a few years. It happened to a good many people. He came and went more quickly than many others. 

EW: I think one thing that one needs to understand is that there are different kinds of radicals. There are people who come in who are willing to do the reading. There are people who come in because they are seeking a community. And there are people who come in because they are angry and want to break stuff, and this seems like a group that’s doing that. 

I think Dylan comes in, if he’s going to be found in one of those groups, definitely in group three. He comes in as James Dean, Rebel Without a Cause. The rebel part is absolutely real and deep and part of him, but the cause is transitory. 

Edward Norton and Timothée Chalamet in A Complete Unknown 

DW: It’s more intuitive and so forth, and you can feel that in his work. 

EW: To me, the brilliant political Dylan line is from Talkin’ New York. This is from his first album, recorded in late 1961, before he’s gotten political, before the Watts riots or anything like that: 

A lot of people don’t have much food on their table 
But they got a lot of forks ’n’ knives 
And they got to cut something. 

That’s a level of radicalism, in one sense, that the liberal left found completely unacceptable. In some ways it’s a more extreme radicalism than the civil rights movement, which he had not yet gotten into. That’s real. 

DW: Yes. It’s not a question of indicting him or wagging a finger, but I do think he lost something later on because he didn’t understand the source of some of his own strengths. 

I think the comment you have in the book by Seeger from 1967 was interesting: 

The left tried to lionize him; he reacted violently against this, saying fuck you to them all. He dressed outlandishly, screamed out new songs with electric backing; cynicism came to the foreground. 

My own sense of it is that he reacted with some legitimacy against the leftist folk music establishment. But I do think he threw the baby out with the bathwater, and that he convinced himself that the source of his music was his own genius. There are always currents that have made you what you are, and by throwing those out the window, to me he became less interesting. He was swept up in a certain radicalism for a few years, and then he decided that was not for him. 

EW: I think that’s not accurate. It was never that he was swept up in political radicalism. It was about the people around him. For a few years, he was hanging out in a world where all of his friends were engaged in that. 

It’s not that he had those beliefs for a while, and then he abandoned those beliefs. It’s that he was in that social group for a while, and then he moved to another social group. 

He always was rebelling against people telling him you’re this or you’re that. Once in a while, he would be with people and he would feel, hey, we’re all against the same stuff. But then he had a tendency to feel, no, I’m trapped here too, and go somewhere else. [Dylan’s girlfriend] Suze Rotolo said there was never a time when he was the sort of person who was burying himself in the newspapers. 

If you’re hanging out with Dave Van Ronk, your political analysis will be different than if you’re hanging out with the Rolling Stones. It won’t be more rebellious. But the way you’re channeling your rebellion will be completely different. 

DW: But you make certain choices about the people you hang out with. Look, there’s also the siren song of celebrity, of money. He wanted to be a rock and roll star. In any case, we’re not going to resolve these issues in this conversation. 

How did your relationship with Dave Van Ronk come about? How was that? 

EW: Everything I am, I was made by Van Ronk. That’s the brief, simple answer. I went to him when I was 17 years old. I’d already been sitting around with him when I was 15 and 16. My understanding of how the world works, my understanding of how music works, my understanding of how music works in the world, it’s all straight out of Dave.  

DW: How did he feel about his own career, or success or lack of success, do you think? 

Dave Van Ronk and the Hudson Dusters (1967) 

EW: It depended on the year. His overall view was that, given where he started from, he did better than anyone could have ever expected. There was a period in the second half of the 1960s when he saw a lot of less talented people grabbing the brass ring, and he kept grabbing for it and missing, and that was extremely frustrating. 

By the mid ’70s, he was extremely depressed. Then he pulled out of that and went back to, okay, compared to where I started, given my background, I’ve been able to live a reasonably middle class life without ever having to do a day’s work. Can’t argue with that. 

DW: Obviously, you can’t choose the circumstances under which you work. 

EW: He made a number of grabs at the brass ring. They could have worked. They didn’t.  

DW: I’ve never heard his rock ‘n’ roll music, is it good? 

EW: Depends what you mean by good. It was not designed to make him a rock star. Was it harmonically complex? Yes. Was some of it a lot of fun? Yes. Did it get the kids dancing? No. Did it make the charts? No. Was it one of his favorite albums till the day he died? Yes. 

If you held a gun to his head and said, we’re now going to listen to a Dave Van Ronk album from beginning to end, what would you like to hear? It was either going to be the Ragtime Jug Stompers [1964] or the Hudson Dusters [1967]. Because rather than sitting there listening to all his own mistakes and being annoyed, he could listen to all the cool things the other people on the record were doing and like it. 

DW: Did you ever play with him in public? 

EW: I never performed on stage with him. I arranged and played one of the tracks on his Bertolt Brecht album [Let No One Deceive You, 1992]. I just was in the right place at the right time. He suggested that I do something which he took for granted that I couldn’t do, and then I did it, so he was stuck. 

He was going to be recording in Vancouver. I said, hey, anything I could do on the album? He said, I’m going to Edmonton. I’ll be back in two weeks. If you can come up with an arrangement of “A Man is a Man,” I’d love to do that one. He had, I assume, felt like he had dealt with the subject at that point. But as it happened, when he got back in two weeks, I had actually done a pretty nice little arrangement. And so he was stuck. 

He was without question the best educated human being I have ever spent time with. There was virtually no subject he could not converse intelligently about with an incredible depth of knowledge. 

He was very realistic about his own skills. He thought he was better than a lot of people around him who were more successful than he was. At times he found that annoying, but he also understood that he was not in the same class as people like Louis Armstrong or Sarah Vaughan, and was not at all bothered. 

What bothered him was the Peter, Paul and Marys of the world becoming superstars. George Benson becoming a superstar didn’t bother him at all, you know. 

DW: Did you have anything to do with the making of A Complete Unknown? 

EW: No, they bought Dylan Goes Electric! and that was it. In fact, it was Dylan’s people who bought the book. They were behind this whole project. I had no idea he’d actually read it, but apparently Dylan read it and liked it. I think that speaks to how much of the book is about Seeger and other things around him, rather than about him. 

DW: Yes, but I think it’s to his credit. As we know, artists are often very petty about those things. It’s to his credit that he has that degree of objectivity. 

EW: I’m assuming he liked it because it contextualized things.  

DW: I don’t agree with everything in the book, and we obviously don’t see eye to eye on certain things. But I think the book presents an honest picture, with all sorts of elements in it, out of which you can draw your own conclusions. It presents intriguing pieces of the picture. 

EW: I’m a historian, not a critic. 

 

On Conrad Russell by Christopher Thompson

I knew Conrad Russell quite well in the late-1960s and early-1970s following our first meeting in the tea room of the Institute of Historical Research in the autumn of 1968. We then shared an interest in the major figures who were critical of King Charles I's regime in the late-1620s and during the 1630s. Despite his subsequent work on the career of John Pym, Russell later lost interest in these people and came to the view in the latter stages of his academic research that there was little or no wish to use force against the King's rule in England at least before c.1642. I was therefore interested to read in his work on The Causes of the English Civil War published in 1990 (Pp.10-11) his claim that England was the last of Charles I's kingdoms to resist him and that the revolutionary propensities there were so weak, a problem that he sought to address. 

Russell's view that such evidence could not be found or had not yet been found was, in my view, fallacious. He was apparently unaware of the decision of the rulers of Massachusetts in 1634 when faced with the prospect of losing their charter and of an expedition from England to reduce that colony to obedience of employing force to resist royal authority. The colonists were English people in exile but they had the support of important figures in England in this exercise. John Winthrop the elder noted in his journal in June, 1634 the arrival of a vessel carrying money and munitions from the godly in England and proposals from two men, later known to be Viscount Saye and Sele and the 2nd Lord Brooke, to migrate to the colony. These supplies and proposals were almost certainly brought by John Humphry, who, by then, was the 4th Earl of Lincoln's brother-in-law: Lincoln was Saye and Sele's son-in-law. Three months later, in September, 1634, Winthrop noted in his journal the receipt of a letter from the 2nd Earl of Warwick offering his support to Massachusetts. The implication of these overtures is clear: these men were prepared, in principle, to support the use of force against Charles I's rule, admittedly at a great distance from England, and thus to commit what was treason under the Statute of 1351. It was thus amongst Charles I's critics that this willingness to resist was first evident. 

Russell's obiter dicta then and now repay carefull attention. 
 

(My argument was later set out in greater detail in my paper on The Saybrook Company and the Sigificance of its Colonising Venture. ) 

  
 

  

 

Sunday, 2 February 2025

Dylan Goes Electric!: Newport, Seeger, Dylan, and the Night That Split the Sixties Hardcover – August 13 2015, by Elijah Wald

“If the time becomes slothful and heavy, he [the poet] knows how to arouse it . . . he can make every word he speaks draw blood. Whatever stagnates in the flat of custom or obedience or legislation, he never stagnates. Obedience does not master him. He masters it.”

Walt Whitman

“How does it feel? To be without a home, Like a complete unknown, Like a rolling stone?”

Bob Dylan

“I am not going to answer any questions as to my association, my philosophical or religious beliefs, or my political beliefs, or how I voted in any election, or any of these private affairs….”

Pete Seeger

While A Complete Unknown, a recent film about Bob Dylan by the director James Mangold is a triumph of style over substance, it has one redeeming aspect in that it was based loosely on the excellent 2015 book by Elijah Wald, Dylan Goes Electric.

Wald’s previous books include Robert Johnson and the Invention of the Blues and How the Beatles Destroyed Rock ’n’ Roll: An Alternative History of Popular Music. Wald’s insights into Dylan’s world are probably helped by the fact he is a musician. As one writer said of Wald, “He possesses that rare ability to weave meticulous research into engaging narratives propelled by conversational but polished prose. It’s as if someone with an advanced degree in history and musicology who witnessed the events first-hand is talking to you.”[1]

The years covered by Wald’s book were extraordinarily intense. Much like today’s youth, many at the time began to shift to the left and sought answers to complex political events. However, it is completely natural that their radicalism was inevitably confused. Musical protest was still largely dominated by the Stalinist politics of the Communist Party or other equally wretched political entities such as Maoism, Castroism and the New Left. What had once been the Trotskyist movement in the US, the Socialist Workers Party, led by James P. Cannon, broke with Marxism in 1963 and set out on a wretched, anti-revolutionary course.

Unlike Mangold’s film, Wald does touch on the political and ideological intricacies of the time. Wald delves into certain aspects of Dylan’s personality, musical background and political events that shaped his world outlook. James Brewer writes, “The first deployment of combat troops was carried out by President Lyndon Johnson in July 1965, about the same time as Dylan’s plugged-in performance at the Newport Folk Festival. Wald’s book documents that a performer at Newport in 1965 named Len Chandler declared himself opposed to Johnson’s sending more troops to Vietnam. That was the only mention of the conflict during the Festival.”[2]

Wald starts the book by examining Dylan’s relationship with Pete Seeger. Alongside Woody Guthrie, Seeger was a significant influence on the young Dylan. Seeger quickly recognised that Dylan was unlike anything or anyone that had gone before, saying, “I always knew that sooner or later there would come somebody like Woody Guthrie who could make a great song every week. Dylan certainly had a social agenda, but he was such a good poet that most of his attempts were head and shoulders above things that I and others were trying to do.”

Wald writes that Seeger and his followers “believed they were working for the good of humanity … but were intensely aware of the forces marshalled against them: the capitalist system and the moneyed interests that upheld it”.[3] Wald concludes the chapter on Seeger’s sentencing in 1961 for contempt of Congress when he refuses to name names of associates with connections to the Communist Party. He quotes Seeger, saying, “I am not going to answer any questions as to my association, my philosophical or religious beliefs, or my political beliefs, or how I voted in any election, or any of these private affairs.”[4]

While Seeger was a significant figure in Dylan’s formative years, the singer and writer Woody Gutherie was certainly the most important. Dylan said of the radical songwriter, “You could learn how to live.”. As Clement Daly perceptively wrote, “At its best, there is an almost universal and deeply popular element in Guthrie’s music. His songs rarely descended into pessimism or cynicism. On the contrary, much of his work, like his songs written for the Bonneville Power Administration promoting the construction of the Bonneville Dam in Oregon, is suffused with optimism. What was later released as the 17-song Columbia River Collection contains some of his best work, the later revisions reflecting his pro-Roosevelt and pro-war stance notwithstanding. In songs like “Talking Columbia,” “Grand Coulee Dam,” “Roll On Columbia, Roll On,” and “Pastures of Plenty,” Guthrie’s enthusiasm for the future of humanity is palpable.”[5]

The early Dylan was like a musical sponge. As the writer Paul Bond noted, “Dylan was listening to all sorts of music—country, the blues of Muddy Waters, and, eventually, folk. The latter, which had grown in part out of ethnomusicological research into traditional songs as “music of the people,” had been promoted by the Stalinist Communist Party and other left circles as a means of tackling contemporary issues and espousing a broadly progressive political outlook in popular song. In contrast to the banality of such contemporary songs as “How Much Is That Doggy In The Window. At the same time, the American folk scene offered a wide range of performance models, accepting the high-art theatricality of a John Jacob Niles alongside Guthrie's more “home-spun” performances. In the American scene, there was not the same emphasis on formal “authenticity” as there was to be in the English folk revival. Alongside the content of the music, therefore (“Folk music delivered something I felt about life, people, institutions and ideology”), Dylan was also receptive to its forms, describing it as “traditional music that sounded new.”[6]

One thing missing from Wald’s book is a detailed examination of Dylan’s relationship, albeit indirectly, with the American Communist Party. Both Seeger and Guthrie had deep connections to the Stalinist Communist Party of the USA. Dylan sought to play down his debt to the Communist Party and, for that matter, any political affiliation. Saying that he did not know of Pete Seeger’s politics (“I didn’t realise he was a Communist. I didn’t know what a Communist was, and if I did, it wouldn’t have mattered to me”) and his intimate relationship with the daughter of former Communist Party member shows his denials are not believable.

Suffice it to say the British Communist Party were less than enamoured with Dylan. It saw Dylan as threatening their control of “ British Music”.  In 1951, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) issued a pamphlet, The American Threat to British Culture. The pamphlet outlined the British CP’s hostility to young American folk music. The CP followed that pamphlet with its infamously and completely nationalist British Road to Socialism, a reformist and complete refutation of Marxism, swapping the world revolution with the Stalinist theory of ‘socialism in one country’. The British CP were hostile to any outside influence that would cut across its nationalist path and that included the American folk scene.

As Frank Riley writes, “ A debate about ‘purity’ and ‘workers’ songs’ raged in the British folk world, with Ewan MacColl being a leading protagonist. He eventually reached the absurd position that if a singer was from England, the song had to be English; if American, the song had to be American, and so on. There were also detailed definitions of ‘traditional’, ‘commercial’, ‘ethnic’, ‘amateur’, etc. This was adopted as policy in those folk clubs (a majority) where MacColl and his supporters held sway. Enter Bob Dylan into this minefield. In 1962, Dylan came to Britain. After some difficulty getting into the Singer’s Club, based in the Pindar of Wakefield pub in London, he was allowed to sing three songs, two of them his own. Contemporary accounts say MacColl and Peggy Seeger, who ran the club, were hostile. As Dylan was little known, one interpretation could be that Alan Lomax had talked to them about him. Dylan did not get on well with Carla Rotolo – a relationship immortalised in Dylan’s Ballad in Plain D: "For her parasite sister I had no respect" – so this may explain it. Or it may be that they did not regard his self-written songs as ‘valid’ folk. Later, when Dylan was pronounced anathema by the CP, MacColl went one step further and announced that all of Dylan’s previous work in the folk idiom had not been true folk music.”[7]

To conclude, seeing how far the modern-day Dylan is removed from that political and cultural ferment is staggering. As Dylan admitted, “I don’t know how I got to write those songs. Those early songs were almost magically written,“ he told CBS. In his memoir, Dylan said, “You must get power and dominion over the spirits. I had it once, and once was enough.” The musician Randy Newman concurs, saying, “Dylan knows he doesn’t write like he did on those first two records.“ That’s not just a quip regarding the quality; he quite literally doesn’t write the way he used to.

His acceptance of the Medal of Honour from former president Barrack Obama and his selling of his back catalogue for a huge amount of money means he has finally ceased to be a voice of any generation. As David Walsh succinctly puts it, “Bob Dylan was neither the first nor the last American popular artist, or artist of any kind, to imagine he could outwit historical and social processes––which threatened to “slow down” or even block his rise––by avoiding their most vexing questions and problems. What he didn’t realise was that in turning his back on social life and softening his attitude toward the existing order, he was at the same time cutting himself off from the source of artistic inspiration, that he was surrendering forever what was best in him.”[8]



[1] https://wlm3.com/tag/albert-grossman/

[2] A Complete Unknown: A drama about singer Bob Dylan’s rise to fame-https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2025/01/03/kxvr-j03.html

[3] Dylan Goes Electric!: Newport, Seeger, Dylan, and the Night That Split the Sixties Hardcover – August 13 2015, by Elijah Wald

[4] The official transcript of Pete Seeger’s appearance before HUAC can be found in Investigation of Communist Activities, New York Area. Part 7: Entertainment. Hearings Before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Eighty-Fourth Congress, First Session. August 17-18, 1955.  (Joyner Docs CWIS: Y 4: Un 1/2: C 73/55/pt. 7; additional circulating copy in Joyner Docs Stacks: Y 4: Un 1/2: C 73/55/pt. 7)

[5] 100 years since singer Woody Guthrie’s birth- https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2012/08/guth-a28.html

[6] Ceasing to be the voice of a generation-https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2005/11/dyla-n09.html

[7] We live in a political world-Bob Dylan and the Communist Party-https://socialismtoday.org/archive/144/dylan.html

[8] Does Bob Dylan deserve to receive the Nobel Prize for Literature? https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2016/10/21/nobe-o21.html