The indefinite strike by over 430 logistics workers at DHL Supply Chain's warehouse in Sucat, Muntinlupa City, has now lasted two weeks, marking a major clash between Filipino workers and a global logistics giant. The walkout began on August 17 after talks between DHL management and the DHL United Workers Union (DUWU) broke down, and the company subsequently announced plans to close the facility on August 30–31. The company plans to cut 436 jobs, which could cause economic hardship for many families. Since the strike started, workers have been nonstop picketing at the warehouse gates. On August 21, they broadened their protest to include DHL retail outlets in Quezon City and the Department of Labour and Employment (DOLE) headquarters, aiming to expose the company’s practices and rally support from more workers and young people.
But the conflict occurs under circumstances heavily tilted
in the company's and the state's favour. The looming presence over the strike is
Article 263(g) of the Philippine Labour Code. This martial-law-era law allows
the government to issue an “Assumption of Jurisdiction” (AJ) order, which
essentially bans the strike and forces workers to return to work under the
threat of police action. This authoritarian tool, inherited from the Marcos
regime, has been used repeatedly by successive governments to suppress strikes
in crucial industries.
The threat of AJ is real, not theoretical. It plays a key
role in the state’s toolkit to control workers, aiming to keep large
enterprises running smoothly. Its ongoing presence highlights the deeply
anti-worker nature of Philippine labour law, which prioritises corporate
profits over workers' rights.
A Global Corporate Offensive
The shutdown of the Muntinlupa warehouse is part of a
broader overhaul of DHL’s global operations, not an isolated incident. As one
of the world’s largest logistics firms, operating in over 220 countries, DHL is
systematically cutting jobs, merging facilities, and boosting automation. In
the U.S., 6,000 DHL Express workers, represented by the Teamsters, voted 96
per cent in March to authorise a nationwide strike. However, union leaders
intervened at the last moment to impose a concessionary contract, preventing a
potential mass mobilisation of logistics workers. Similarly, in Canada, DHL
workers represented by Unifor have experienced lockouts and strikes during
tense negotiations. In Germany, the Verdi union approved a concessionary contract
with Deutsche Post/DHL, aiding management’s restructuring efforts.
Across all these countries, the pattern remains the same:
management pushes ahead with layoffs and automation, while unions try to
contain and diffuse workers’ anger. The unions act more like industrial police,
enforcing capital's demands and isolating workers from their global class
allies. DHL’s choice to shut down the Muntinlupa plant is guided by global
corporate strategy, not local factors. Workers in Metro Manila are suffering
the fallout of decisions made in distant corporate boardrooms.
The Bankruptcy of the Union’s Legal Strategy
DUWU and other unions have directed their dispute into
DOLE’s legal processes by filing petitions and waiting for decisions. This
approach is politically flawed and solely isolates the workers. DOLE’s
arbitration system is structured to favour corporate interests and does not
provide a way to challenge a closure decision based on commercial reasons. DHL
has already concluded that closing the warehouse is part of its global
restructuring plan, and no legal challenge will change that decision.
By treating the closure as a local violation of Philippine
labour law, the unions have confined the struggle within national boundaries
and prevented workers from linking up with DHL workers internationally who face
the same attacks. This isolation is fatal. A few hundred workers in Metro
Manila cannot defeat a transnational corporation through legal channels that
the corporation and the state both understand far better than the union
bureaucracy.
The Role of the State and Political Establishment
Several legislators have visited the picket line and issued
statements of support, criticising DHL’s conduct and urging DOLE to intervene.
These gestures are empty. They do nothing to challenge the underlying corporate
restructuring or the state’s repressive labour framework.
The Philippine political establishment — from the Marcos Jr.
administration to the congressional opposition — is united in its defence of
foreign capital and its hostility to independent workers’ struggles. The AJ
mechanism remains untouched because it is essential to maintaining the
“investor‑friendly” environment demanded by multinational corporations.
Workers cannot place any confidence in the state or its
political representatives. Their interests are irreconcilably opposed to those
of the capitalist class.
The Necessity of Rank‑and‑File Committees
To continue their struggle,
DHL workers must take the lead in the fight themselves. This involves
forming rank-and-file committees that operate independently from DUWU and the
broader union bureaucracy. These committees should: maintain democratic control
over the strike, develop demands centred on workers’ needs rather than what
the company or union leaders deem “realistic," reach out directly to DHL
workers throughout the Philippines and internationally, and be ready to oppose
any efforts by DOLE or police to enforce an AJ order.
The main goal is to convert the strike from a localised dispute into a unified international fight against DHL’s global restructuring.
Workers in the United States, Canada, Germany, and elsewhere are confronting
similar attacks. Their efforts need to be coordinated.
A Turning Point for the Philippine Working Class
The DHL strike is a significant development in the
Philippine working class. It exposes the brutal reality of global capitalism,
the complicity of the union bureaucracy, and the repressive character of the
state. It demonstrates that workers cannot defend their jobs and livelihoods
through legal appeals or reliance on political figures.
The future of the struggle depends on workers breaking out
of the confines imposed by the unions and the state and building new organs of
class power. Forming rank‑and‑file committees is the decisive step forward.
The Muntinlupa workers' fight is part of a global battle
against the capitalist system that subordinates every aspect of life to profit.
Their struggle deserves the active support of workers throughout the
Philippines and internationally.
