Tuesday, 10 September 2024

Leaving Guatemala for AmERiCa by David Unger

In 1957, when I was not quite seven, I discovered that social relations in the United States were governed by race and ethnicity. It was a Saturday morning, and my parents, two brothers and I were eating breakfast around the green Formica table in our Hialeah, Florida kitchen. The windows were cranked wide open and still it was fry-eggs on-the-sidewalk hot, years before air-conditioning became an affordable option. Imagine living through a Florida summer that begins in May and ends in October, 12 miles from the beach, fans circulating swampy mosquito-laden air. Immobile air.

A voice shot through the windows.

“Tomato boy. Tomato boy.”

I ran to our jalousie-window front door and opened it. A twelve-year-old boy, wearing a tight short sleeve shirt and black pants eyed me with an expression of resignation and boredom.

He stood three steps below me holding a reed basket filled with fist-sized red bursts. “ — matoes? dollah a box, “ he drawled. His skin was purple and smooth as a plum. He was shoeless. How could his bare feet bear the weed stickers, the burning asphalt?

Another lanky teenage colored boy, as African Americans were known back then — if you used the polite term — sat at the back of a green late 40’s Ford pickup truck; stacks of boxed tomatoes rose along the wooden side rails beside him. This sixteen-year-old wore a white tee shirt and seemed happy to be sitting. An older Negro (another fifties appellation) leaned his arm against the driver side window. The engine coughed, grey smoke puffed and putted out of the muffler.

I ran back to my parents and told them that the tomato boys were here and that the tomatoes looked yummy. My mother took a dollar out of her change purse.

I gave the boy the bill.

He put a four-pound box in my arms. “I need it back,” he said, tapping the box. His forehead was beaded in sweat.

I nodded, smiling, and he grinned back. If he hadn’t been working, we could have played catch, Indian Ball or Flies and Grounders in our back yard. I knew a lot about baseball already — reading the Sports page of The Miami Herald had made me an English reader. This kid could be another Mays or Robinson, maybe even a Satchel Paige. 

My parents Luis y Fortuna, with my brothers Leslie y Felipe and me in the white sweatshirt.

Could I ever really be friends with this boy?

Most likely he lived on a farm and didn’t go to school. Because he was “colored,” he wouldn’t be allowed into the Food Fair, Rexall’s Drug Store or Schell’s Hobby Shop. Maybe his Pop could buy a six pack at Mike’s Liquor if he trusted a white guy with his money.

The tomatoes were perfectly round. They were grown in fields about a mile away, in Opa-locka, behind the airbase. In colored town. I’d been warned by Jerry Easley never to ride my bike in “Niggertown.” “One them “jungle bunnies” will steal your bike, Jewboy.”

From a 1956 Miami Herald article about this “immigrant family” fleeing “Communism” in Guatemala

When we came to the U.S. from Guatemala in 1955, my father was already 57. There was a recession in Florida, one of the state’s never-ending rags-to-riches and riches-to rags seesaw. There were no job opportunities for anyone, certainly not the elderly, especially if they had weird accents. My father’s English was heavily German-inflected.

After emigrating to Guatemala in 1933, he ran the Royal Home, a combination hotel and restaurant for British nationals. Then later, he managed the canteen at the American base, though he’d fought for Germany, during the first world war. Before coming to America, he and my mother had opened La Casita, a restaurant that served champagne, steaks and Lobster Newburgh, which became Guatemala City’s best restaurant. In our last year there, my parents won the concession to supply Pan American Airways with hot meals for passengers on their newly established routes to Central America.

My father was a people person. In the 1920’s, after the war, he’d managed a troupe of magicians who traveled from Hamburg all the way to Cartagena and Guayaquil. He was cultured and gregarious — he dressed in wool suits and was always polite and deferential. He sold tickets at a movie house in Guatemala City and then took a slow boat to China where he was the night clerk in Shanghai’s famous Palace Hotel, before the Japanese invaded and he returned to Guatemala.

My father witnessed the Japanese invasion of China in 1937. He was the night clerk at the Palace Hotel. He told us that the Japanese soldiers went in the hotel and pulled out any Chinese and shot them pointblank.

He had an impossible time getting a job in Miami, but finally he was hired as a host at a Dobb’s House, a restaurant on West 36th Street, across from the then fledgling Miami Airport and a long bus ride from our Hialeah home. It was his kind of job — greeting and seating guests. The only problem was his high standards: he was critical when his manager substituted paper for cloth napkins his first week of work and when he overheard the manager cursing the Negro dishwashers as “lazy beasts.”

One day, a couple came into the restaurant. My father escorted them to a table near the air-conditioner. During the meal, the manager came up to my father and asked why he had seated “them niggers” in an area reserved for white people. My father said that he didn’t know there were different sections for people of different colors in the restaurant.

“Can’t you see they’re black?”

“And so? What difference does that make?” He had previously worked six months for the railroad in Livingston, Guatemala, a totally Garifuna village.

“Unger, next time a couple of “niggers” come, sit them in the back.”

“But it’s too hot back there.”

“You do what I tell you to do!”

That was my father’s last day working at Dobb’s House.

There were no colored kids in my Palm Springs Elementary School in Hialeah though I knew that some lived closer to the school than me. Also, few Latinos.

My classmates were the children of working-class parents: airline mechanics, policemen, plumbers, milkmen and the occasional single mother cocktail waitress or on rare occasions, a cashier at the Food Fair or a hairdresser at the local salon. None of our neighbors had college degrees, none spoke a word of Spanish. They knew nothing of opera or art, like my father. None were Jewish.

When a classmate got angry at you, he’d call you tomato boy or nigger. It was normal. My brothers and I never called anyone “nigger” because it was an ugly sounding word and we had often been called kikes, spics and dirty Jews; we had black eyes and curly hair to prove we were foreigners. One Saturday morning we found that someone had thrown rotten eggs against the side of our house. Another time someone painted a wooden wire roll with the words “Dirty Jues. Get out.” Like the tomato pickers, we suspected that we weren’t really welcomed.

One afternoon when I was sixteen or so my father and I were at Miami International Airport, waiting for my mother to return from visiting her mother in Guatemala. We were walking down the concourse when we suddenly saw a towering Negro, well over six feet tall, walking towards us. He was busting out of a suit that barely concealed rippling muscles. The man was quite handsome, with short-cropped hair and a smile that implied royalty.

We knew it was Muhammad Ali. He was in Miami training at the 5th Street Miami Beach gym to fight Big Cat Cleveland Williams later in the year. A two-time felon, Williams, was a puncher with a mustache and a bullet still lodged in his hip to underscore his mettle. But all his power proved hopeless when Ali scored a decisive 3rd round TKO at the Astrodome in November of 1966.

My father was all of five foot eight and a fiery boxing fan. We religiously watched the Wednesday and Friday Cavalcade of Sports fights on television with him. We loved Luis Rodriguez, Floyd Patterson and Federico Fernandez who had style and hated boxers like Carmen Basilio and Gene Fullmer who pummeled their opponents during clinches, threw low blows when the referee’s vision was blocked, delivered rabbit punches that hammered the back of their opponent’s necks. Emile Griffith was our favorite boxer though he “killed” Benny ‘Kid’ Peret in the ring after continuously taunting the gay boxer by calling Griffith a “maricon.”

Ali was ballet encapsulated — handsome, witty, and defiant. He wasn’t colored or a Negro — he was beyond classification. He was a proud black man with the gift of gab. My father admired him not only for his boxing, but because he spoke his mind and somehow, unlike himself, seemed to revel in his audacity.

We went up to Ali. “I want to shake your hand,” my father said to him.

Ali smiled and shook my father’s puny mitt.

“You make your people proud,” my father said, barely able to spit out his words in an intelligible English.

“Thank you,” said the champ, a bit bemused.

Ali gave me his autograph on a card that had the fight song of my new high school in Miami Springs on it. As he was signing, my father added: “You know, you can come to my house for dinner any time you want.”

What my father was saying was that in separate-raced Miami where signs warned blacks and dogs to stay out of Miami Beach after 6 PM, my father would be honored to break bread with Muhammad Ali despite what the neighbors would say…

“I just might do that,” Ali said. He smiled in a way that made me think he understood what my father meant.

In 1964, when I was in the middle of 9th grade, my parents had moved from Hialeah to Miami Springs — from a house with no air-conditioning to one with central air. As soon as we moved in, that first week, we had worshippers from the local Methodist, Lutheran and Baptist churches come and visit. We never told them we were Jewish, only that we were not interested in religion.

In 10th grade, I took a World Humanities seminar taught by Mr. Gonzalez, a Cuban exile. It was a course in which we read Gordon Allport’s The Nature of Prejudice and Eric Hoffer’s The True Believer and discussed race, Communism, The John Birch Society and the Vietnam War. We read The World’s Great Religions, and defined what made someone an atheist or an agnostic. We listened to classical music and compared Mozart to Beethoven to Stravinsky.

There was one black kid in the class. Skid was a towering, skinny kid who sported a scraggily goatee. He always wore black shades even indoors and he would look over their tops when he whispered to me sitting beside him. He had a nice smile and a very red tongue which protruding from his buckteeth.

His mother had been coming to our house once a week to do the ironing and the folding since my mother worked full-time as a secretary at Pan American Airways. Skid and his mother lived across the canal from Miami Springs in the black part of Hialeah. The poor treeless part where the streets were rutted and the telephone poles wobbled.

Skid and I breached the racial divide five days a week. We really liked each other. He talked like a Black Panther and I like a future Students for a Democratic Society member.

We agreed that Satch Paige of the Negro Leagues was probably the greatest pitcher ever, till Sandy Koufax, a Brooklyn southpaw, calmed his wildness and went 25–4 and won pitching’s Triple Crown in 1963. He was Jewish and his refusal to pitch on Yom Kippur, the Jewish Day of Atonement, made him a hero in the larger Jewish community. But we both understood why it was necessary to have different heroes that reflected our ancestry without talking about it.

In our senior year in 1968, Mr. Gonzalez, invited us to be on a local TV show that aired on Saturday mornings called “Youth and the Issues.” I remember sitting in the lobby with Skid, his mother and my mother waiting for our moment to go film our segment. Martin Luther King had been assassinated a month earlier and Newark and Gary, Indiana had gone up in flames. LBJ had decided not to seek re-election and the Vietnam protest movement was in full throttle.

I remember that our host, a likeable liberal, was more interested in getting across his argument that democratic America would find peaceful solutions to each and every one of our problems. He was a happy warrior ala Hubert Humphrey style. Skid spoke admiringly of Huey Newton and Stokely Carmichael, claimed Malcolm X was the man; I admired Ernest Gruening, William Fulbright and Al Gore’s father, all of whom had voted against the Gulf of Tonkin resolution. I remember we had fun on that show, frightening our host. But what the hell? In the lobby, Skid went home with his mother and I with mine. It was a beyond awkward when Skid’s mom said to us: “See you on Saturday morning.”

In my yearbook Skid wrote something like “Say brother. With your bright mind and good heart you are going to go far in life. One day maybe our children will play together. Keep being the way you are.”

Skid’s words nearly broke my heart. He knew that the gap between us, in southern Florida, had been insurmountable for teenagers of our generation. There would have been hope for his dream to be true, but I had already decided that I wanted to get as far away from Miami as I could. I eventually ended up in Boston and later learned that Skid had enlisted to fight in Vietnam.

The separation of races was entrenched in Miami. The Negroes lived in Opa- Locka, Allapattah, Overtown and a hot and ghetto city called paradoxically Liberty City — this is where my brother and I went to buy beer in high school, giving young black men a fifty cents tip to get us a six-pack of Busch Bavarian for $2.50.

Miami Negroes were very angry when during the Kennedy Administration thousands of Cubans came to Miami to escape Castro and were given several hundred dollars as soon as they arrived. Then Cuban adults received $100 a month for a whole year to get readjusted in the U.S. At the time, the minimum wage was a buck and a quarter in Miami, which meant that if you worked a 40-hour week you earned $150 a month after taxes. Nobody ever gave the colored people any support when they came to Miami from Georgia, Louisiana and Alabama to work as crop pickers. Or should I say from Palatka or Pensacola, Florida, where many of their relatives had at one time been lynched.

Within two years, the industrious Cuban exiles had bought up most of the gas stations and shoe repair shops in Miami and soon replaced the black porters and maids in most of the Miami Beach hotels. Calle ocho, less than a mile from Liberty City, became the main thoroughfare for them.

The Negroes had no choice but to sit on their hands and watch. Eventually they rioted later in 1968 Frankly, who could blame them? Unfortunately, they burned down, in frustration, the few businesses in their neighborhoods which would then take decades to rebuild.

By the time Obama became president in 2008, I had lived in New York City for upwards of 35 years. My wife and I campaigned for him on the outskirts of Philadelphia, in a poor white ghetto that reminded me of the Hialeah of my youth. White people answered their doors suspiciously. They didn’t know who John McCain was; I think many thought Obama was trying to oust George W. Bush — their kind of American — from the White House. It was a rough day of door knocking, in the pouring rain. Our solace was when we knocked on the door of a black family, whose hearts welled up with pride at seeing two white fifty year olds campaigning for their man — think Satchel Paige — in the cold, pouring rain. We gave their kids all our Obama buttons, which we were supposed to sell for a dollar each. His election seemed providential: maybe my adoptive country had finally achieved the greatness of what the Constitution says should be a “more perfect union.”

I wonder if Skid made it out of Vietnam and returned to Hialeah. Did he ever become an electrician? Under different circumstances, I think we might’ve stayed friends, but the social and racial gap between us in the ’60s, in the south, was titanic.

David Unger received Guatemala’s Miguel Angel Asturias National Literature Prize for lifetime achievement in 2014, though he writes in English and lives abroad. Novels include In My Eyes, You Are Beautiful (Mosaic Press, 2023), The Mastermind, (Akashic Books, 2016) [translated into ten languages including Spanish, Arabic, Italian, Turkish and Polish], The Price of Escape (Akashic Books: 2011; into German, Romanian and Spanish) and Life in the Damn Tropics (Wisconsin University Press, 2004). He has translated 18 titles including his celebrated re-translation of Guatemalan Nobelist Miguel Angel Asturias’s Mr. President (Penguin Classics, 2022), Folktales for Fearless Girls (Penguin, 2019), The Popol Vuh, (Guatemala’s pre-Columbian creation myth) and books by Rigoberta Menchú (Guatemala), Enrique Lihn (Chile), Silvia Molina (Mexico), Nicanor Parra (Chile), Ana Maria Machado (Brazil), Elena Garro (Mexico) and Teresa Cárdenas (Cuba). He has also translated many stories by Mario Benedetti (Uruguay), Denise Phe-Funchal (Guatemala), Sergio Ramirez Mercado (Nicaragua), among others.

His children’s books are José Feeds the World (Duopress, 2024), Moley Mole/Topo Pecoso (Green Seeds Publishing, 2021). Sleeping With the Light On (Groundwood Books, 2020), and La Casita (2011, CIDCLI).

Other books include Ni chicha, ni limonada (F y G Editores, 2019, 2009) ). His short stories and essays have appeared in the Paris Review, Medium, Puertos Abiertos (FCE, 2011), Guernica Magazine (February 2016, April 2011, November 2007 and August 2006) and Playboy Mexico (October 2005).

  

Sunday, 8 September 2024

Diary of a Nobody

In the last few months, I have been to the archive at Bishopsgate near Liverpool St. My archive is being held there, and I have begun cataloguing items there. Most of the Archive is taken up with my notebooks from my website and blog. On My next visit I shall bring five boxes of internal documents from the ICFI dating from 1984-2008. These will be closed documents, and viewing will be at the discretion of chief archivist Stef Dickers, myself and a consultation with the British section of the IC.

There are some gems from my time in the WRP(Workers Revolutionary Party. I have the proof copy of One Long Night by Maria Joffe –a devastating first-hand account of Stalin’s labour camps. Maria Joffe, widow of leading Bolshevik Adolf Joffe and, with him, a prominent member of the Trotskyist opposition to Stalinism, survived 29 years in prison camps in the Soviet Union. This book came curtesy of Vanessa Redgrave after she left the WRP and sold her library for next to nothing. Suffice it to say my library increased that day. I should donate to the movement. Maybe next time there will be a meeting in London.

My workload regarding my website and blog has increased exponentially. Both reading and research have increased over the last few months. I had intended to write only once on the Carnival, but I need to answer Diane Abbott's recent piece in the Guardian. Her main contention is that while it is bad, two people got killed at Carnival, it is too big and important. People have the democratic right to dance. Even a few murders now and again are not going to stop it. So what if 76 people were deliberately burnt to death nearby? Carnival is too important to be stopped.

It was great catching up with Pam Livesey a few weeks ago. Pam visited with her daughter Evie to see Taylor Swift in London. In a meeting with her, she agreed to write some articles for the website. Hence, a new page was created for her.

I am working on a few book reviews at the moment. The first, which should be published next week, is a review of John Rees’s new book Marxism and the English Revolution. As you can imagine, this will take a little while as it contains stuff that needs more research than normal. The next book review will be John Kelly’s The Twilight World of World Trotskyism. I am in for a wretched time if this is anything like his previous attempt at criticising Trotskyism. I reviewed his last book.

As the Marxist writer David North Points out, “This is not the time and place for a detailed response to Mr. Kelly, but two points must be made. While sarcastically dismissing the failure of the Trotskyist movement to lead a socialist revolution, Kelly ignores the counter-revolutionary actions, frequently involving murderous violence, taken by the mass Stalinist and social democratic party and trade union organisations in alliance with the state to isolate and destroy the Trotskyist movement and defend the capitalist system. Kelly pretends the Trotskyist movement conducted its revolutionary work in ideal laboratory conditions.

The second point, actually a question, is this: What are the great political successes achieved by those organisations and their leaders that are engaged in what Kelly calls “serious”, i.e., non-revolutionary politics? Mr. Kelly informs his readers that he was a member of the British Communist Party during the 1980s. What were the great and lasting achievements of this party, which was implicated in every crime and betrayal carried out by the Stalinist regime in the Kremlin from the 1920s until the catastrophic dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991?[1]

Recent Book Purchases

1.    The Twilight of World Trotskyism-John Kelly

2.    Marxism and the English Revolution John Rees

3.    On Tocqueville-A Ryan

4.    The Tyranny of Merit-M Sandel

5.    The Levellers-G Robertson

6.    Pablo Neruda-The Complete Memoirs- Neruda was a loyal follower of Stalin; he even collaborated in the plot to assassinate Leon Trotsky in Mexico City in August 1940. See Evidence presented in the 1973 murder of Chilean poet Pablo Neruda- www.wsws.org/en/articles/2023/03/14/agsf-m14.html

7.    A Collection of Essays-George Orwell

8.    Marxism and the Party-J Molyneux

9.    Revolutionary Spring-C Clarke

10. Capitalist Realism-M Fisher

11. A Life in politics-Paul Foot. M Renn

12. Dear Oliver-S Barry

13. Hitler's People-R Evans

 

 

 

 

Letter Sent to the WSWS.Org regarding the Use of PDA’s at Royal Mail

One of the more insidious things coming out of the stinking deal between Royal Mail and the CWU has been using PDA’s to monitor and control Postal workers inside and outside the workplace. Not even George Orwell and his big brother could have imagined the extent to which Royal Mail could control the behaviour of postal workers, even to the point of using the data to sack any postal worker they deemed to have stepped out of line.

The Complete acceptance by the CWU(Communication Workers Union) of the use of these PDA’s to punish and control workers is a new milestone in its integration into corporate management. As Laura Tiernasn points out, “Appendix 5 of the union-company agreement outlined measures for enhanced “performance management” of staff to deliver “improved business performance” through increased “data use” from PDAs. The CWU’s assurances that PDAs would “not be used to de-humanise the workplace” and would “not be used to track individuals in real time” have been exposed as worthless.

I don’t need to explain what these handheld computers can do to postal workers. Still, the wider public has little comprehension of how Royal Mail controls and terrorises postal workers and is using them as a means to get rid of the most courageous and militant postal workers to bring in a two-tier workforce that is more compliant with their aims and objectives.

I would encourage all postal workers to attend Sunday’s Postal Workers Committee Meeting. The CWU is dead. Let us bury it. It is nothing but an arm of corporate management. The only thing that can stop Royal Mail and the CWU from pursuing their aims of turning Royal Mail into an Amazon-like company is the PWC(|Postal Workers Committee). 

Tuesday, 27 August 2024

The Carnival of Vanities 2024

The 2024 Notting Hill Carnival has finished. The event was deemed a tremendous success. Quite how an event that saw eight people stabbed, including a mother of 32 who is still in critical condition in hospital and had over three hundred arrests for various offences ranging from sexual assault to seizures of firearms and included the arrest of a wanted murderer, is deemed a success is beyond me.

This year, Carnival took place amid unprecedented far-right riots. According to a statement from the World Socialist Website,[1] “The anti-immigrant riots that erupted this week in cities across the UK represent the most concerted efforts since the 1930s to develop a fascist movement in Britain. This week’s riots have not come from anywhere. The growth of fascist and far-right tendencies is a concentrated expression of imperialist politics and capitalist decay. The ruling elites are promoting extreme nationalism and xenophobia to divert explosive social tensions in a right-wing, anti-immigrant direction, to further Britain’s predatory imperialist wars and to prosecute a war against the democratic and social rights of the working class.”

It is usual for the media to run large numbers of sycophantic articles in the run-up to the Carnival. One of the most stupid, foolish and provocative articles on this year's Carnival was by Fat Tony. His piece carried in the Evening Standard was chaotic and delusional. He writes, “It’s important to say as well that what shines through any of the other bullshit is millions and millions of people’s unwavering desire to come together and dance on the streets, communicate and celebrate love and community above all else. Notting Hill Carnival has, over this past decade, especially become a safe space, where relationships with the police and volunteers have become far friendlier, resulting in a festival where (most of) the headlines are what they should be — about the moment, the people and nothing else.” [2]

It is hard to know where to begin dismantling this complacent and delusional piece of journalism. Eight people were stabbed, including a mother of 32. Guns and knives were taken to an event that is supposed to be a haven of social peace.

If this was not bad enough, he then moves on to insult the residents who have the good sense to get out of Carnival as a bunch of c**ts. In the same article, “I’ve gotta say one thing about the locals though. To all you c***s who board up your houses or go on holiday purposely to get away from it each year… why? Notting Hill is what it is because of the Carnival, because of the hectic markets on the weekends, and because of this mishmash of cultures. Must you evacuate every damn year? I mean, come on. Go immerse yourself in it, party pooper”.

Fat Tony does not live near the Carnival route and was not even at this year's Carnival. He does not have to suffer the indignity of being woken up at 3 am on Saturday by people setting up food stalls. Or listen to the sound of dirty, great big generators buzzing all night and all day. Speaking of sound, I am sure he does not have two massive sound systems pumping out music for three days. He does not have to walk miles to get out of the area or spend over eight hundred pounds on a hotel to escape this Bonfire of Vanities.

Fat Tony’s article joined a long list of articles that sought, with varying degrees of success, to explain Carnival’s so-called power of healing racial strife. This year was no different, and given the recent fascistic riots, it was important for the ruling elite to use this year's Carnival as a useful safety valve to head off social unrest.

As I said, several articles portrayed the Carnival’s attempt to end racial divisions. Some even went as far as saying that Carnival still adheres to its radical origins. This is a lie. Today’s Carnival is big business. It is run not as a charity but as a private company. No article went deeply into the history of the Carnival, let alone explain how Carnival can solve the complex social and political problems of racism and social inequality in Britain today.

It is worth quoting from length from an article written in 1958, which addresses almost identical social, economic and political problems that are faced by workers and youth today. Cliff Slaughter writes, “The race riots in Nottingham and London came like a bolt from the blue to most ordinary men and women in Britain, just as they did to the Press, that self-styled watchdog of the public conscience. The Observer, usually more far-sighted than most newspapers, spoke of the race riots as something which a few days earlier seemed a cloud no bigger than a man’s hand. So long as we look only at the surface of social life, so long as we try to deal with each question separately as it arises, we shall continue to find ourselves bewildered by events like the race riots. But they are no nine days’ wonder. This must be clearly understood by every worker in the country.

Every member of the working class must endorse the condemnation by the Trades Union Congress of racial discrimination and violence. But this is not enough. Only if we can trace the social roots of racial conflict shall we be able to weed them out and, with them, those who profit from it. The starting point for the working class must be unity and solidarity against the employers and their political representatives—in the first place, the Tory Party. All the problems the working class now faces—growing unemployment, the housing shortage, rent increases, the rising cost of living, attacks on wages and working conditions, and, above all, the threat of an H-bomb war—all these can be solved only by the unity and determined action of the working class. It is no accident that the steady growth of unemployment over the last year has been accompanied by an insidiously growing campaign around the slogan ‘Keep Britain-White’.

He continues, “Those Tory and Labour MPs who propose to solve the problem by restricting immigration are guilty of supporting the programme of the fascists, whether they know it or not.

Fascism is a movement financed by big business which seeks support from the ‘middle classes’ and the most backward workers. Fascism’s real aim is to provide a mass basis for the smashing of workers’ organizations by a State machine which permits no democratic rights and rules with the whip and the torture chamber.

To succeed, fascism must detach from the working class discontented elements who can be persuaded that something other than big business is their real enemy. This is why the fascists have recently returned to one of their favourite themes—racialism. Fascists were prominent in the Notting Hill riots and will cash in wherever they can on anti-coloured feelings. They will try to create a mob ready to use violence and to attack any scapegoat rather than the workers’ real enemy.

Any Labour leader who does not condemn fascist ideas root and branch must be disowned by the Labour movement. Instead of discussing projects for controlled immigration, Labour leaders should outline an active joint strategy of struggle against the employing class. Although the TUC General Council passed a resolution against racial prejudice, which everyone is prepared to endorse in general, its president viciously attacked trade unionists who fight the employers with the workers’ only real weapon, the strike.”[3]

Workers and youth are not going to solve the problems of Racism, Fascism, or, for that matter, social inequality by attending an event that, at best, is dangerous and, at worst, fools people into thinking that dancing in the streets will solve these complex social and political problems.



[1]Britain’s far-right riots: The class issues- www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/08/05/vwpr-a05.html

[2] What's the best bank holiday weekend? For London, there's only one answer- https://www.standard.co.uk/comment/notting-hill-carnival-2024-august-bank-holiday-london-b1177720.html

[3] Cliff Slaughter-Race Riots: the Socialist Answer-www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/slaughter/1958/12/race.htm

Sunday, 28 July 2024

Mr President by Miguel Ángel Asturias Translated by David Unger-Foreword by Mario Vargas Llosa- introduction Gerald Martin-Penguin Classics Paperback July 2022-320 pages

 “Our Latin American literature has always been a committed, a responsible literature,” Miguel Ángel Asturias 1973.

The Latin American novel, our novel, cannot betray the great spirit that has shaped – and continues to shape – all our great literature. If you write novels merely to entertain – then burn them!

Miguel Angel Asturias

“The great works of our countries have been written in response to a vital need, a need of the people, and therefore almost all our literature is committed. Only as an exception do some of our writers isolate themselves and become uninterested in what is happening around them; such writers are concerned with psychological or egocentric subjects and the problems of a personality out of contact with surrounding reality.”

Miguel Ángel Asturias

“Life is not an easy matter…. You cannot live through it without falling into frustration and cynicism unless you have before you a great idea which raises you above personal misery, above weakness, above all kinds of perfidy and baseness.”

― Leon Trotsky, Diary in Exile, 1935

Generally speaking, art is an expression of man’s need for a harmonious and complete life, that is to say, his need for those major benefits of which a society of classes has deprived him. That is why a protest reality, either conscious or unconscious, active or passive, optimistic or pessimistic, always forms part of a really creative piece of work. Every new tendency in art has begun with rebellion.

Art and Politics in Our Epoch (1938)

Translation is often an act of revelation—of revealing what is hidden -David Unger

Nobel Prize-winning Guatemalan author Miguel Ángel Asturias’s masterpiece Mr President was published in 2022 by Penguin.  It is the first English translation in more than half a century. Translated by award-winning writer and translator David Unger and features a foreword by Nobel laureate Mario Vargas Llosa and an introduction by the writer and biographer Gerald Martin.

Asturias’s Mr President was inspired by the 1898–1920 presidency of Manuel Estrada Cabrera. The novel was subsequently banned in Guatemala. Miguel Ángel Asturias’s novel is a surrealist masterpiece, and a devastating attack on capitalism not just in Guatemala but around the world. It is to Penguin’s credit that such an important book has been given the translation it deserves. The new Penguin Classics edition is timely. David Unger says, “Mr. President has more to say to an American in 2022 than it did in 1962 when we knew less about the shenanigans of the CIA and the liaison between the military and the industrial complex.”

Miguel Ángel Asturias (1899-1974) was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1967, the first Latin American novelist to receive such an honour. Although one of his main occupations was as a diplomat he is primarily known as a fiction writer.

Mr President, although written from 1922 to 1932, wasn’t published until 1946 partly due to self-censorship and was also banned by the Guatemalan state. Asturias quite rightly feared that President Ubico (1931-1944) would assume that he was the dictator being depicted.

Foreword

The foreword is by Mario Vargas Llosa. Llosa is the noble Prize author of twelve novels, including Death in the Andes, In Praise of the Stepmother, The Storyteller, Aunt Julia and the Scriptwriter, and The War of the End of the World, 1995, he was awarded the Cervantes Prize, the Spanish-speaking world's most coveted literary honour, and the Jerusalem Prize. His recent book Harsh Times was a described by Hari Kunzru, as "A compelling and propulsive literary thriller “in his New York Times Book Review.

Llosa correctly states “Mr. President is qualitatively better than all previous Spanish language novels and one of the most original Latin American texts ever written. He continues that without Asturias, “there would be no García Márquez, Vargas Llosa, Isabel Allende, Laura Restrepo, Laura Esquivel, José Lezama Lima, or Roberto Bolaño.”

Llosa believes that Miguel Ángel Asturias “wasn’t fully aware of how great a novel he had written and whose magnitude he would never again repeat, because the novels, short stories, and poems he wrote afterward were closer to the narrower, somewhat demagogic literature of “committed” dictator novels that he had earlier championed. He hadn’t realized that the great merit of Mr. President was precisely that he had broken that tradition and raised the politically engaged novel to an altogether higher level “.[1]

Introduction

Every great author needs someone who will defend their work to the death if necessary. Miguel Asturias has Gerald Martin. Martin who is the author of the superb biography of García Marquez is currently working on a biography Vargas Llosa. Penguin will publish Asturias’s Men of Corn in 2025[2]. Martin has translated and written a foreword for the new book. In his introduction to “Mr. President” Martin writes “What is magical realism, if not the solution to writing novels about hybrid societies in which a dominant culture of European origin is juxtaposed in multiple ways with one or more different cultures that in many cases are ‘premodern’? It was not Gabriel García Márquez who invented magical realism; it was Miguel Ángel Asturias.”

What makes Mr President such an important book. Martin elaborates “it’s a novel 'very like a play, a tightly concocted drama (at times a theatre of marionettes),' equally cinematic and poetic. It is reminiscent of Kafka and Beckett in its surreal flights within the consciousnesses of the mad or dying, or within the narrative of myth ... The novel’s vision is relentlessly dark, but its execution is exhilarating, daring, even wild. Asturias’s boldness is repeatedly arresting, and his descriptions unforgettable...Such electrifying vividness animates every page”.

Translation

All great books need a great translation. After fifty years Mr President finally has that kind of translation, David Unger fully deserves the plaudits his translation has received.  In 2014, Unger was awarded the Miguel Ángel Asturias National Prize in Literature for lifetime achievement, the most important literary prize in Guatemala. As a debt of gratitude to the country of his birth Unger decided to take on a new and difficult translation. The main purpose was to restore this great novel to the pantheon of world literature.

Having read the previous publication of the novel with the translation by Fraces Partridge I was curious to find out Unger’s opinion. Unger told me in an interview I did with him on my website “Partridge’s translation is mostly workman-like but suffers, as I say in the introduction, with many Anglicisms and a failure to recognize many Guatemaltequismos—particularly Guatemalan words and terms that she didn’t fully understand. Mr. President is a very American novel, one that lends itself to translation in the American vein. Words like “coppers,” “blimey,” and “lorry” are acceptable terms in the English language but are not inviting to North American readers. Further, she didn’t have a clue about certain Guatemalan foods, birds and plants that have entered the American vernacular through the immigration of nearly 60 million Latin Americans into the U.S. In some ways, she was hopelessly overmatched though I find that she also came through with some lovely descriptions, a la Bloomsbury style.[3]

It is perhaps an understatement to say that translating this book was an extraordinarily difficult undertaking. But David Unger’s lucid and masterful new translation of Mr President presents an opening for a new generation of readers around the world to appreciate this “influential, and wrongly maligned masterpiece”.

Joel Whitney writes “Mr. President is decidedly hard to translate, as it relies on poetic alliterations and onomatopoeia, devices learned from surrealism’s inventors and other avant-garde movements. But it also relies on Asturias’s very keen ear to the street, his love of myth and Indigenous culture, and Unger proves to be a masterful transformer. Much of the translation is truly of another time, rendering not just Central American Spanish but also Guatemalan neighbourhood-, class-, and period-specific slang. The praise for Unger’s translation is highly deserved. But the fact of Penguin Classics and Unger choosing this unfairly suppressed book is long overdue, the wait like being unburied, with your eyes open”.[4]

As Whitney says in his article the release of Asturias’s Mr President could not be timelier. As Unger explains “I wanted the novel to really speak to our generation and our time,” It is not only in Latin America that the tyranny of the dictator’s rule, but this tyranny is a global phenomenon. The current genocide being carried out in Gaza by the Israeli fascist government is but one example of this worldwide trend of the rule of the dictators. The Israeli president Netanyahu’s speech before Congress, showed that this fascist war criminal still defended genocide in Gaza, stating, “This is not a clash of civilizations. It’s a clash between barbarism and civilization. It’s a clash between those who glorify death and those who sanctify life.”[5]  The reception Netanyahu’s speech received by the flunkeys in the White has been compared to that of Adolf Hitler when he addressed the German parliament in the 1930s.

The CIA and the Suppression of Mr President

As I said in the introduction Asturias’s novel although finished in 1932 was not published until 1946.  What is perhaps not so well known is the role of the United States Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) role in the suppression of this great novel. This criminal act is one of the reasons why Asturias has not had the international recognition his work deserves. This is not the case in Latin America where the novel according to literary scholar Gerald Martin was “the first page of the Boom.[6] Without Asturias, [the Boom] might not have developed.” Said Martin.

Asturias’s novel was released at the beginning of the Cold War. Latin America was seen by the United States as its own backyard and began installing several right-wing dictatorships many of which carried out genocide on an industrial scale.  On the cultural front it helped set up and backed the Congress for Cultural Freedom[7], an anti-Communist front created to push pro-American articles and stories through magazines like Mundo Nuevo and other similar magazines around the world such as Encounter. To his credit Martin defended Asturias and opposed this right-wing organisation and its puppet magazines. Martin played no small role in discrediting this CIA front.

Miguel Ángel Asturias was born on October 19, 1899, one year after dictator Manuel Estrada Cabrera came to power. “My parents were quite persecuted, though they were not imprisoned or anything of the sort, “said Asturias. The treatment of his parents no doubt heavily influenced not only his decision to write about injustice and social inequality throughout Latin America but to become an activist. Asturias joined the Generation of 1920, and became politically active organising organize strikes and demonstrations.  As Asturias writes in his Nobel Prize speech “All Latin American literature, in song and novel, not only becomes a testimony for each epoch but also, as stated by the Venezuelan writer Arturo Uslar Pietri, an “instrument of struggle”. All the great literature is one of testimony and vindication, but far from being a cold dossier these are moving pages written by one conscious of his power to impress and convince”.[8]

Asturias’s Mr President was groundbreaking in so many ways. As Joel Whitney points out in his excellent article[9] Mr President was published five years before George Orwell’s 1984, and captures the mass propaganda uses of new technologies: Asturias writes: “Every night a movie screen was raised like a gallows in the Plaza Central. A hypnotized crowd watched blurred fragments as if witnessing the burning of heretics. … Society’s crème de la crème strolled in circles … while the common folk gazed in awe at the screen in religious silence.” This fear proves atmospheric, as the president’s favourite advisor, Miguel Angel Face, undertakes a secret mission: to prompt the president’s main rival, a general, to go on the run. Why? The president needs a scapegoat, and running is a confession of guilt, he says. But irony is in constant collision with this fear, mirroring the young Asturias’s wonder at the discredited, delusional imprisoned dictator. Unaware that the president has orchestrated the general’s escape, a judge advocate shouts, “I want to know how he escaped! … That’s why telephones exist; to capture government’s enemies.” This judge also warns a suspected witness: “Lying is a big mistake. The authorities know everything. And they know you spoke to the General.”[10]

As was mentioned earlier Asturias played a central role in the development of the Boom movement. This movement consisted of a relatively young group of writers, Cortázar; Vargas Llosa; Gabriel García Márquez, of Colombia; and Carlos Fuentes, of Mexico, to name but a few of the better-known authors.  Asturias was recognised as their natural predecessor. And was credited with the invention of Latin American magical realism which went on to influence the likes of García Márquez. Instead of acknowledging his debt to Asturias Garcia Marquez somewhat ungraciously denied Asturias had any influence on his work.

According to Graciela Mochkofsky “Many of the Boom authors, starting with García Márquez, dismissed Asturias’s work as archaic, and denied that it had any influence on their writing. Asturias didn’t help matters when, during an interview, he agreed with a suggestion that García Márquez, in “One Hundred Years of Solitude,” had been heavily influenced or even plagiarised Balzac’s “The Quest of the Absolute”.[11]

It must be said that Asturias prodigies were a little ungrateful to their master. Julio Ramón Ribeyro defended Marquez saying, “it is difficult to find authentic points of reference between García Márquez’s book and Balzac’s.” Carlos Fuentes bizarrely said that Asturias “shows profound signs of senility.” Juan García Ponce echoed Fuentes writing “It is not that Asturias speaks like that because he is senile; what happens is that he was born senile. He continued “Asturias’ opinions, like his books, are not the same as those of his readers, but rather the same as those of his readers, they are not worth it.” Behaving like a spoilt brat Gustavo Sainz writes that Asturias’s books “do not stand the test of a second reading; furthermore, these works no longer impress us as they did before; fifteen years ago they were the best, but now Latin America has wonderful writers like Cortázar, Fuentes and others who make Asturias look bad.”[12]

These writers are wrong in so many different ways that it would take a book to explain why. So, to finish this review of such a landmark book on more positive note I will leave that final words to the translator David Unger explaining why he will not be translating anymore of Asturias more complex books. “It’s important for a writer and a translator to recognize their limitations. I don’t think I have the skills to successfully render many of Asturias’s more complex and indigenous novels into English. It can be done, but not by me. If I have contributed to the reassessment of Asturias in the Anglo world, then I will be pleased. But I think I will stop here when I am, hopefully, ahead of the game—Claire Messud said in Harper’s that my translation was “brilliant.” I’ll Savor that compliment for now and evermore![13]



[1] https://www.thenation.com/article/culture/my-president-mario-vargas-llosa/

[2] Men of Maize Paperback – 10 Mar. 2025 by Miguel Ángel Asturias (Author), Héctor Tobar (Foreword), Gerald Martin (Introduction, Translator)

[3] https://keith-perspective.blogspot.com/search?q=david+unger

[4] A novel The CIA Spent a Fortune to Suppress- https://www.publicbooks.org/a-novel-the-cia-spent-a-fortune-to-suppress/

[5] https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/07/25/lmic-j25.html

[6] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Latin_American_Boom

[7] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congress_for_Cultural_Freedom

[8] https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1967/asturias/lecture/

[9] A novel The CIA Spent a Fortune to Suppress- https://www.publicbooks.org/a-novel-the-cia-spent-a-fortune-to-suppress/

[10] Mr. President (Penguin Classics) Paperback – 12 July 2022

[11] https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-timely-return-of-a-dictator-novel

[12] https://www.milenio.com/cultura/laberinto/celos-miguel-angel-asturias-gabriel-garcia-marquez

[13] https://www.asymptotejournal.com/blog/2022/07/14/death-hope-and-humor-david-unger-on-translating-miguel-angel-asturiass-mr-president/

Thursday, 25 July 2024

Canción by Eduardo Halfon-Published by Bellevue Literary Press on September 20, 2022, 160 pages, $17.99 paperback

“Every writer of fiction is an imposter,”

Eduardo Halfon

“Literature is not about answers. But questions”:

Eduardo Halfon, Author of Canción

 “We only found marbles, toys, coins, cooking utensils, sandals and flip-flops next to their bodies.”

Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team

“Life is not an easy matter…. You cannot live through it without falling into frustration and cynicism unless you have before you a great idea which raises you above personal misery, above weakness, above all kinds of perfidy and baseness.”

― Leon Trotsky, Diary in Exile, 1935

“Learning carries within itself certain dangers because out of necessity one has to learn from one's enemies.”

― Leon Trotsky, Literature and Revolution

Eduard Halfon’s novel just over 150 pages is written in the first person and contains autobiographical segments. It begins with the author visiting Tokyo for a conference to honour Lebanese writers. The innocent-sounding title of the book refers to a killer known for his not-so-pretty voice.

Halfon has a deceptively natural way of portraying the murderously complex social and political issues arising from the bitter civil war in Guatemala 1960-1996. Halfon’s prose is simple but exquisite. Canción like all of Halfon’s previous books Polish Boxer, Monastery, and Mourning is excellently translated from Spanish by Lisa Dillman and Daniel Hahn.

The book would appear to be meticulously researched and in a recent interview Halfon explains his methodology “When you’re writing a story that’s part of a historical account, that history must be believable. In the case of Canción, that means its historical background, the Guatemalan Civil War, and the country’s recent history. I needed to investigate all of that, and I felt like I had to include it more for the feeling than for the facts. Some details are in the background—they’re props, so to speak—and some details are part of the story.

That weaving is very organic, though. There’s no premeditation. It’s just a feeling of what should be where on the stage. What should be in the foreground? What should be in the background? It’s a very natural process of selection and placement. The research in books like Canción must be very methodical because I am trying to recreate a specific moment in time. So, newspapers, records, logbooks, accounts, the CIA file on my grandfather’s kidnapping—these were all available to me. Sometimes I need little details, but mostly I just need the prop of facts for the theatre to be believable. That is, for the atmosphere to be believable. I’m not interested in the facts, but in the smell and taste that the facts leave behind.”[1]

David L. Ulin writes “Like so much of Halfon’s writing, the narrative of “Canción” unfolds in an elusive middle ground where heritage becomes porous. For anyone familiar with his project, this will not come as a surprise. The author is a diasporic figure: Born in Guatemala City, raised there and in Florida and educated in North Carolina, he has lived in Europe and Nebraska. His metier is family: the way we are shaped by it and the way we push back on or move beyond it; how it both supports and limits us. In “The Polish Boxer” (2012), his first book to be translated into English, this leads him to consider his other grandfather, who survived Auschwitz with the help of a fighter who came from his village. “Mourning,” his most recent book, revolves in part around his uncle Salomon, whose drowning as a child resonates in “Canción” as well.”[2]

Like many of his generation of Guatemalan writers Halfon never witnessed first-hand the murderous civil war and faced the problem of how to write a book which includes historical facts and events he didn’t witness. As Halfon correctly says “Every writer of fiction is an imposter “. When he returned to Guatemala in 1993, he suffered persecution. Along with other writers and journalists, he was targeted by the government. Halfon often spoke of how he was followed and threatened in his own house after his first novel was published in 2004.

The treatment of writers and journalists by the Guatemalan state shows that the so-called peace accord brokered by the United Nations was nothing of the sort. The Guatemalan civil war was a social, economic and political disaster.  Andrea Lobo writes “Nearly a quarter million people were killed between 1962 and 1996 in Guatemala, 93 percent at the hands of pro-government forces. The UN-backed Commission for Historical Clarification classified the massacre of Mayan Indians, treated by the military as a potential constituency for guerrillas, as genocide, including the destruction of up to 90 per cent of the Ixil-Mayan towns and the bombing of those fleeing.[3]

Halfon believes that not much has changed since 1996, He writes that “Certain things in Guatemala are simply not spoken or written about. The indigenous genocide in the 1980s. The extreme racism. The overwhelming number of women are being murdered. The impossibility of land reform and redistribution of wealth. The close ties between the government and the drug cartels. Although these are all subjects that almost define the country itself, they are only discussed and commented on in whispers, or from the outside. But a second and perhaps more dangerous consequence of a culture of silence is a type of self-censorship: when speaking or writing, one mustn’t say anything that puts oneself or one’s family in peril. The censoring becomes automatic and unconscious. Because the danger is very real. Although the days of dictators are now gone, the military is still powerful, and political and military murders are all too common”.[4]

Unfortunately, this will not change with the election of the new government of Bernardo Arévalo. Arevalo’s election was challenged by dominant sections of the Guatemalan capitalist oligarchy who sought to overturn his election through many legal cases alleging electoral fraud, illegal financing and other irregularities. All of which failed.

As Andrea Lobo writes “Arévalo is the son of the country’s first elected president, Juan José Arévalo (1945-1951), who remained within the left nationalist government of his successor Jacobo Arbenz when it was overthrown in a CIA-orchestrated military coup in 1954. A series of military-civilian dictatorships followed, crushing opposition from below to protect the interests of US capitalists and their local partners.

Cancion is well worth a read, as are his previous books. It remains to be seen if Halfon’s next novel reflects illusions that exist within left Guatemalan journalists and writers regarding the new Arevalo government.

  



[1] “Literature is not about answers. But questions”: An Interview with Eduardo Halfon, Author of Canción-//www.asymptotejournal.com/blog/2022/10/12/literature-is-not-about-answers-but-questions-an-interview-with-eduardo-halfon-author-of-cancion/

[2] Review: How a Guatemalan kidnapping inspired Eduardo Halfon’s auto fictional ‘Cancion’ www.latimes.com

[3] wsws.org

[4] https://www.theguardian.com/books/the-writing-life-around-the-world-by-electric-literature/2015/nov/04/better-not-say-too-much-eduardo-halfon-on-literature-paranoia-and-leaving-guatemala

Saturday, 20 July 2024

The Starmer Project—A Journey to the Right by Oliver Eagleton Published by Verso, £12.99

 

“Starmer and his enforcers in Labour headquarters have taken extraordinary steps to cleanse the party of socialist influence… The opportunities for building a progressive power base within the party…are negligible.

Oliver Eagleton

“Thus the Labour Party is a ‘capitalist workers’ party’.”

― Vladimir Lenin

In that country (Great Britain], the ruling class of which is oppressing and plundering the whole world more than ever before, the formulae of democracy have lost their meaning even as weapons of parliamentary swindling. The specialist best qualified in this sphere, Lloyd George, appeals now not to democracy, but to a union of Conservative and Liberal property holders against the working class. In his arguments, no trace remains of the vague democracy of the ‘Marxist’ Kautsky. Lloyd George stands on the ground of class realities, and for this very reason speaks in the language of civil war. The British working class, with that ponderous learning by experience which is its distinguishing feature, is approaching that stage of its struggle before which the most heroic pages of Chartism will fade, just as the Paris Commune will grow pale before the coming victorious revolt of the French proletariat.

Leon Trotsky

“When people write they mostly forget to reach deep into their selves, to relive the importance and truth of the subject.”

(Rosa Luxemburg, Letter to the Seidels, 1898)

The election of Sir Keir Starmer, to the British state's highest office, is a mark of acceptance by the British establishment, that Starmer and his new Labour government will look after their interests.

Oliver Eagleton's new book on Starmer is a useful if politically limited examination of Starmer’s rise to power. Starmer began his political career under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. Eagleton shows that Corbyn was instrumental in Starmer’s political development and rise to power.

Incredible as it may seem Starmer began political life with a reputation as a “lefty lawyer”. He was a member of the Pseudo Left group Socialist Alternatives.[1] And wrote articles on the 1986 Wapping Strike. Starmer has been portrayed in the media as a defender of human rights. But as Eagleton points out, this is a carefully cultivated image. Starmer early on "was motivated by ambition” and steered “a careful course between good-cause legal campaigning and collaboration with the security services”.

When the Haldane Society sent Starmer to investigate allegations of police brutality in Northern Ireland, Starmer became friendly with British troops. Starmer's support for the British army and police led to the extreme right MP Ian Paisley, saying that Starmer “gave us the tools and the arguments and the defence lines to allow us to say that water cannon are necessary or plastic bullets are allowed…and all police officers in Northern Ireland carry a gun… His lasting legacy is that you can have all these accoutrements to policing provided they meet human rights guidelines effectively, and he provided…the arguments for doing that and the legal cover to do it”.[2]

During his time as director of public prosecutions—Starmer was head of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) from July 2008. He worked closely with the Tory government and implemented their spending cuts with great efficiency. But it was during his close collaboration with the United States government that Starmer came into his own.

As Ian Taylor writes “he also began strengthening the CPS’s role within the British security state Starmer began to regularly liaise with the United States National Security Agency and the Specialist Operations Directorate of London’s Metropolitan Police on CPS “work” overseas. This was significant given the international “War on Terror” being ­prosecuted by the US and Britain. Eagleton quotes an unnamed member of the CPS’s ­international division: “We made sure what we were doing was most relevant to Britain’s international objectives.” This involved “building up the counter-terrorism capacity of overseas security services” in countries such as Yemen, Somalia, Kenya and Afghanistan.8 Eagleton also finds evidence that Starmer liaised regularly with Eric Holder, the attorney general in Barack Obama’s administration, who advised on “how the CPS could best advance US counter-terrorism objectives in Africa and the Middle East”. He argues the CPS under Starmer “agreed to act as a proxy” for the US State Department in countries “reluctant to accept direct US interference”.[3]

Perhaps the most despicable action of Starmer was his involvement in the pursuit and prosecution of Wikileaks founder Julian Assange at the behest of the US government. Among many attacks carried out by Starmer on Assange was the overseeing of the destroying of documents relating to the Swedish government's prosecution of Assange on trumped-up rape charges. As Chris Marsden relates “It was revealed by the excellent journalism of Stefania Maurizi that, in 2011, the UK Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), then under the direction of one Sir Keir Starmer, had destroyed correspondence with Swedish prosecutors relating to Assange. One line which did survive was from a British CPS lawyer advising Swedish investigators not to question Assange in the UK”.[4]

Starmer’s political career began in earnest in the 2015 general election when he was elected in the safe London seat of Holborn and St Pancras. Starmer was appointed shadow minister for immigration by Corbyn. Later, he would be instrumental in the denigration and removal of Jermy Corbyn as a labour leader.

The recent election of a Labour government with Starmer as Prime Minister is the culmination of a long process whereby the Labour Party has now been fully transformed into the UK’s leading bourgeois party. The current Labour government's share of the national vote was just 33.8 per cent. Labour takes power with the lowest share of the popular vote of any incoming government in British history. Thomas Scripps writes “Sir Keir Starmer takes his place at the head of a Labour government on a collision course with the British working class. He owes his “landslide” victory entirely to the hatred with which the Conservative government of the last 14 years was viewed, the thoroughly undemocratic first-past-the-post system, and the fact that widespread left-wing sentiment has found no organised socialist expression.”[5]

Instrumental in Starmer's coming to power were the various pseudo-left groups. In another article on the World Socialist Website, Laura Tiernan writes “Britain’s Socialist Workers Party (SWP) used its “Marxism 2024: a festival of socialist ideas” on July 4-7, to promote former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn as the figurehead for a new pseudo-left alliance against Sir Keir Starmer’s Labour government. During the election campaign, the SWP called for a Labour vote, urging “everyone to use their vote on Thursday to smash, exterminate and snuff out the Tories. Then dance on their grave. These bombastic statements indict the SWP as a defender of Starmer’s Labour government, which is—no less than the Tories—an open party of genocide, war, austerity and anti-immigrant racism.”[6]

Suffice it to say this type of analysis is not to be found in Eagleton’s book. Despite Eagleton saying “Starmer and his enforcers in Labour headquarters have taken extraordinary steps to cleanse the party of socialist influence and the opportunities for building a progressive power base within the party…are negligible.” his solution is to “develop multiple groupings, and “then to cultivate this various flora and enable their cross-pollination”. His solution is so vague and thoroughly bankrupt and must be rejected by the working class. Workers must develop a revolutionary solution to the problems they face. Their starting point for a struggle against the Labour government should be a thorough examination of the articles on the World Socialist Website(wsws.org). 



[3] Knight shift: Keir Starmer and Labour’s move to the right -https://isj.org.uk/knight-shift/

[4] Julian Assange and the fight against imperialist war-www.wsws.org/en/articles/2024/03/25/ymiy-m25.html

[5] Build the socialist opposition to Starmer’s right-wing government!-wsws.org

[6] Socialist Workers Party “Marxism 2024” festival promotes Jeremy Corbyn as leader of a “left” regrouping-wsws.org