Ginzburg was an exceptionally knowledgeable historian, known
for his precise philology and archival skills. However, despite his brilliance,
his work was fundamentally limited by a significant theoretical shortcoming: he
distanced himself from the analysis of social totality, class relations, and
the laws governing historical progress.⁴ His body of work serves as a testament
to the intellectual impact of the prolonged decline of the workers’ movement,
the fading of Marxism in academia, and the growth of culturalist approaches
that prioritized fragments over entire systems, anecdotes over structures, and
the idea of the “exceptional normal” over the actual processes of class
struggle.⁵
A Scholar Formed in the Ruins of the Italian Left
Born in Turin in 1939 to the literary critic Leone Ginzburg
and the novelist Natalia Ginzburg, Carlo Ginzburg grew up in a milieu shaped by
anti‑fascist resistance and the cultural ferment of postwar Italy.⁶ His
intellectual development occurred not during the revolutionary surge of the
late 1960s but afterwards, as that movement waned. The autunno caldo of 1969,
along with the factory councils and mass strikes that challenged Italian
capitalism, was succeeded by the fragmentation of the extra-parliamentary left,
the infiltration of terrorism by some intelligentsia, and an overall sense of
demoralization within the radical circles.⁷
It was in this context—of retreat, exhaustion, and the
abandonment of revolutionary politics—that microhistory emerged as a self‑consciously
anti‑totalizing method.⁸ Ginzburg wasn't a direct participant in these
conflicts, but his intellectual focus was influenced by the same circumstances.
His shift away from topics like class, modes of production, and the analysis of
capitalist development toward the local, the unusual, and the culturally unique
was intentional. It reflected the ideology of a generation that had become
disillusioned with the prospects of revolutionary change.⁹
The Cheese and the Worms: Achievement and Limitation
Ginzburg’s most celebrated work, The Cheese and the Worms
(1976), reconstructed the mental universe of Menocchio, a sixteenth‑century
Friulian miller executed by the Inquisition.¹⁰ Through painstaking analysis of
trial records, Ginzburg demonstrated that this semi‑literate peasant possessed
a strikingly original cosmology, drawing on scraps of printed books, oral
traditions, and his own material experience.¹¹
This was a real achievement. Against the Annales School’s depersonalised
serial history—what Guy Bois called “a history without people”—Ginzburg
insisted that the consciousness of the oppressed was recoverable, complex, and
worthy of study.¹² Yet the very category at the heart of the book—“popular
culture”—revealed the idealist foundation of Ginzburg’s method.¹³ Popular
culture was defined not by class position or the relations of production but by
its opposition to “elite” culture.¹⁴
Menocchio’s cosmology—his vision of the world emerging from
chaos “just as cheese is made from milk, and worms appear in it”—was rooted in
his daily labour as a miller.¹⁵ But Ginzburg’s framework could not account for
this material determination. Culture, in his hands, became autonomous, self‑generating,
governed by internal dynamics of transmission and reinterpretation.¹⁶
Microhistory and the Flight from Totality
Ginzburg’s microhistory was premised on the intensive study
of the “exceptional normal”—the anomalous case that illuminates broader
structures.¹⁷ But as a programmatic orientation, microhistory systematically
avoided the analysis of the totality of social relations.¹⁸ It substituted the
fragment for the whole.
Marxism does not reject the study of individuals or local
contexts. The Eighteenth Brumaire is a masterful analysis of individual
actors—Louis Bonaparte, the party leaders, the lumpen conspirators—. Still,
these individuals are understood as representatives of class forces acting
within a determinate historical conjuncture.¹⁹ Ginzburg’s method, by contrast,
provided no basis for moving from the village miller to the feudal mode of
production, from the Inquisition trial to the role of the Church in the class
struggles of early modern Europe.²⁰
The “Evidential Paradigm”: A Retreat from Scientific
Method
In “Clues: Roots of an Evidential Paradigm” (1979), Ginzburg
proposed an epistemology based on the hunter’s tracking of traces—the
conjectural reconstruction of reality from insignificant details.²¹ He
counterposed this to the “Galilean” paradigm of experimental, mathematical
science.²²
From a Marxist standpoint, this represented a retreat from
the aspiration to scientific knowledge of society.²³ The “evidential paradigm”
elevated the fragmentary, the intuitive, and the conjectural into a
methodological principle.²⁴
Ginzburg and Gramsci: A Culturalist Appropriation
Ginzburg engaged with Marxism primarily through the cultural
writings of Antonio Gramsci.²⁵ But his use of Gramsci was selective and
culturalist. He extracted insights into hegemony while discarding the
revolutionary political framework within which those insights were developed.²⁶
Gramsci’s concept of hegemony was not a cultural‑studies
toolkit; it was a theory of bourgeois rule and proletarian revolution.²⁷
Ginzburg’s Gramsci was a Gramsci without the October Revolution, without the
factory councils, without the Communist Party.²⁸
Legacy: A Historian of the Fragment in an Age of Defeat
Carlo Ginzburg leaves behind a body of work that is often
brilliant in its particulars, rich in empirical detail, and animated by a
genuine commitment to recovering the voices of the oppressed.²⁹ But his work
does not provide an alternative to historical materialism.³⁰ It provides, at
best, empirical material that can only be adequately understood through the
Marxist method he declined to embrace.³¹
Microhistory can tell us what Menocchio thought; it cannot
explain why he thought it, why he was burned for it, or why the society that
burned him was destined to be overthrown by the class whose labour sustained
it.³² Those questions require a theory of history grounded in the mode of
production, class struggle, and the laws of social development.³³
ENDNOTES
- For a
biographical overview, see Carlo Ginzburg, Il filo e le tracce
(Milan: Feltrinelli, 2006).
- Carlo
Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth‑Century
Miller, trans. John and Anne Tedeschi (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1980).
- Donald
Sassoon, One Hundred Years of Socialism (London: HarperCollins,
1996).
- Perry
Anderson, “The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci,” New Left Review
I/100 (1976).
- Geoff
Eley, A Crooked Line: From Cultural History to the History of Society
(Ann Arbour: University of Michigan Press, 2005).
- Natalia
Ginzburg, Family Lexicon, trans. Jenny McPhee (New York: NYRB
Classics, 2017).
- Robert
Lumley, States of Emergency: Cultures of Revolt in Italy from 1968 to
1978 (London: Verso, 1990).
- Giovanni
Levi, “On Microhistory,” in New Perspectives on Historical Writing,
ed. Peter Burke (Cambridge: Polity, 1991).
- Eley,
A Crooked Line.
- Ginzburg,
Cheese and the Worms.
- Ibid.
- Guy
Bois, The Crisis of Feudalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1984).
- Eley,
A Crooked Line.
- Levi,
“On Microhistory.”
- Ginzburg,
Cheese and the Worms, 4.
- Ibid.
- Carlo
Ginzburg, “Microhistory: Two or Three Things That I Know About It,” Critical
Inquiry 20, no. 1 (1993).
- Ibid.
- Karl
Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852).
- Bois,
Crisis of Feudalism.
- Carlo
Ginzburg, “Clues: Roots of an Evidential Paradigm,” Theory and Society
7, no. 3 (1979).
- Ibid.
- Alex
Callinicos, Making History (Leiden: Brill, 2004).
- Ginzburg,
“Clues.”
- Carlo
Ginzburg, “Some Queries Addressed to Myself,” in Threads and Traces
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012).
- Anderson,
“Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci.”
- Antonio
Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. Hoare and Nowell‑Smith
(New York: International Publishers, 1971).
- Ibid.
- Ginzburg,
Threads and Traces.
- Callinicos,
Making History.
- Ibid.
- Ginzburg,
Cheese and the Worms.
- Marx,
Eighteenth Brumaire.
