Rachel Nolan’s Guardian Long Read about Claudia Sheinbaum
and the so-called “world’s most popular left-wing leader” exemplifies bourgeois
mystification. Beneath the sentimental narrative, a political reality that the
Guardian avoids emerges: Morena is not genuinely leftist but a bourgeois
nationalist movement. It has intensified Mexico’s integration into U.S.
imperialism, militarised the state, and maintained oligarchic wealth. Its
popularity signifies not socialism but the lack of a revolutionary alternative.[1]
A Headline That Conceals More Than It Reveals
The Guardian’s headline — “How did Mexico’s president become
the world’s most popular leftwing leader?” — sets an ideological tone even
before reading the article. It assumes Claudia Sheinbaum is “left-wing,” that
Morena is progressive, and that their popularity is a political mystery worth
exploring. However, Sheinbaum is not a left-wing leader, nor is Morena a
socialist party. The framing is deliberate, not a mistake; it serves as a
political action to reinforce illusions in reformism at a time when such illusions
are collapsing among workers across the Americas. The real question is not why
Sheinbaum is popular but why the Guardian continues to label her as left-wing.
The detailed article on Claudia Sheinbaum is more
ideological spectacle than genuine journalism. It recycles worn-out liberal
sentimentalist notions to depict a bourgeois nationalist government as a beacon
of “left-wing” hope. This critique shows that Nolan’s story has a political
agenda: to conceal Morena's class background, to hide its connections to U.S.
imperialism, and to prevent workers in Mexico and the U.S. from recognising its
revolutionary potential.
The Guardian’s premise is misleading. Nolan starts with a
question implying its answer: How did Mexico’s president become the world’s
most popular leftist leader? The answer is simply that Sheinbaum is called
'left-wing,' and the article takes this as a fact, not as an ideological label.
However, this doesn't match reality. Claudia Sheinbaum isn’t truly a leftist,
and Morena isn’t a socialist party. The article relies on concealing this
truth, depicting a bourgeois manager as a progressive icon because admitting
the limits of reformism would be politically unthinkable.
Nolan’s Method: Sentimentality as Analysis
The Long Read employs a common liberal tactic: personalising politics. Sheinbaum’s background, scientific expertise, and calm demeanour act as proxies for class analysis. Nolan’s writing shows admiration for her “pragmatism,” “discipline,” and “connectivity with ordinary people.” However, this isn’t genuine analysis; it’s branding. The Guardian’s approach shifts from examining social forces to highlighting personalities. The result is a narrative where political issues diminish, replaced by a positive story about a caring leader. This perfectly aligns with your document’s point: “This type of journalism substitutes class analysis with feel-good stories about benevolent rulers.”
What Nolan Omits: Militarisation, Repression, and
Subordination to Washington
Nolan’s article intentionally omits certain details, a
politically motivated omission. Specifically, she does not mention the
significant 150% rise in the military budget, the military’s control over
ports, customs, and infrastructure, or the establishment of the National Guard
to detain migrants in the U.S. Additionally, she overlooks the constitutional
recognition of the armed forces as “the pillar of the Mexican state’ and the
deployment of tens of thousands of troops to the U.S. border for ‘migrant
containment’ operations. These actions demonstrate that this is not simply
left-wing governance but the strengthening of a militarised capitalist state.
The near‑shoring agenda
Nolan praises Mexico’s economic “boom” but fails to mention
its true source: U.S. imperialism’s efforts to reshape supply chains to
confront China. Sheinbaum’s plan explicitly supports this, which states it aims
for Mexico to “replace imports mainly from Asia with regional
production"—a clear reflection of Washington’s strategy. Nolan overlooks
Sheinbaum’s commitments, such as no tax hikes, corporate incentives,
"Republican austerity," and bi-national security cooperation with the
U.S. This approach essentially represents neoliberalism with a nationalist
twist.
Popularity Is Not Proof of Left Politics
Nolan interprets Morena’s popularity as evidence of its
progressive stance, but this is a category mistake. The support for Morena
primarily stems from dislike of the PRI-PAN era, a demand for increased social
programs, a lack of revolutionary options, and temporary relief from cash
transfers. While Nolan considers this support impressive, it actually reflects
genuine public sentiment. Nonetheless, Morena has channelled this popular
backing into a dead-end. Popularity alone does not define socialism; it is a
sociological fact that can be exploited for either reactionary or reformist
ends.
5. The Oligarchy’s Endorsement: The Most Damning Evidence
Nolan’s storyline completely unravels when considering the
class that has gained the most from Morena: the Mexican bourgeoisie. According
to Oxfam Mexico, the top 1% earn 35% of the country's income and hold 40% of
private wealth, with Carlos Slim’s wealth increasing by 66% since 2020. Slim
himself has praised AMLO, stating: “There is social peace, there is no
confrontation.” This is the highest compliment the bourgeoisie can give,
implying that the working class has been effectively contained. Any truly
left-leaning government would not receive such praise.
6. The Guardian’s Political Function
Why does Nolan not include this? Why does the Guardian not publish
it? Because the Guardian isn't a neutral observer, it functions as an
ideological tool of the liberal bourgeoisie. Its role is to promote illusions
about reformist leaders, prevent workers from seeing social democracy's limits,
redirect discontent into safe, nationalist, pro-capitalist channels, and prevent
a revolutionary perspective from emerging. The Guardian's purpose is to ensure
that this conclusion is never reached.
Nolan’s Long Read is not just incorrect; it poses a
political risk. It fosters the idea that workers should rely on a bourgeois
nationalist agenda, which is already embedded in U.S. imperialism’s economic
and military plans. A truly left-wing movement in Mexico will not be built from
Morena.
Morena and the Pink Tide: A Familiar Cycle of Populist
Containment
Nolan’s narrative portrays
Morena as a new phenomenon. In fact, it is a late-stage example of the “pink
tide” governments that swept Latin America in the early 2000s. These regimes —
from Chávez to Lula to Correa — combined limited social spending with support
for capitalist property relations and pragmatic cooperation with U.S.
imperialism.
The pattern remains
consistent: rhetorical anti-imperialism paired with material subordination to
imperialist interests. Morena exemplifies this pattern precisely: cash-transfer
programs that reduce extreme poverty without changing class structures;
nationalist rhetoric that appeals to popular sentiment while avoiding conflict
with capital; collaboration with Washington on security, migration, and
nearshoring; and the preservation of oligarchic wealth despite increasing
inequality. The Guardian’s sentimental narrative obscures this continuity.
The Militarisation of the Mexican State
A key aspect of Morena’s leadership, not mentioned by Nolan,
is the substantial militarisation of Mexican society. Under AMLO, the military
budget increased by 150%, and the armed forces took control of ports, customs,
and major infrastructure projects. A new National Guard was created, mainly
tasked with mass migrant detention following Washington’s orders. The military
was legally reinforced as “the pillar of the Mexican state,” deploying tens of
thousands of soldiers to the U.S. border to oversee “migrant containment.” AMLO
entrusted ports, customs, and infrastructure to the armed forces and stationed
numerous troops at the US border. This pattern doesn’t indicate left-wing
governance but reflects the rise of a militarised bourgeois state.
Sheinbaum’s Program: Near‑Shoring and Austerity
The Guardian describes
Sheinbaum as a scientist-technocrat with a social conscience. Yet, her
government’s plan openly aligns Mexico with U.S. strategic interests. It aims to
help Mexico "capitalise on the economic situation to replace imported
goods—primarily from Asia—with regional production," supporting
Washington’s near-shoring strategy against China. Sheinbaum guarantees no tax
increases, corporate incentives, "Republican austerity," and
bi-national security collaboration with the U.S. This rhetoric resembles that
of a bourgeois manager rather than a socialist.
Popularity Is Not Socialism
The Guardian interprets
Morena’s popularity as evidence of its leftist positioning. However, popularity
is a sociological fact that requires explanation rather than being a political
characteristic. "The popularity Nolan admires truly reflects a reality:
large numbers of Mexican workers and youth genuinely detest the right-wing
legacy of austerity, corruption, repression, and subservience to US
imperialism." Morena’s support is rooted in the rejection of the PRI-PAN
era, a desire for more social programs, the absence of a revolutionary
alternative, and short-term gains from cash transfers. However, this support
has reached a dead end. As the document notes, Morena “has handed the Mexican
working class — as a source of cheap labour —" directly into the hands of
US imperialism’s war efforts."
The Necessary Conclusion
The Mexican working class doesn’t require a “popular
left-wing leader” to manage capitalism more gently. Instead, it needs
revolutionary leadership that rejects Morena’s nationalist illusions and
pursues socialist unification across the Americas. The goal is to ‘discard the
Mexican bourgeoisie and its Morena representatives into the trash bin of
history and unite with their class allies in the United States and throughout
the Americas to eliminate imperialism and capitalism.”
[1] How
did Mexico’s president become the world’s most popular left-wing leader? www.theguardian.com
