The disappearance of children in Guatemala—stolen during
military campaigns, placed into a global adoption network, and spread
worldwide—is not an isolated humanitarian issue. Instead, it represents a
long-standing counterrevolutionary effort driven by US imperialism and carried
out by the Guatemalan elite and military. As a recent article notes, “children
became commodities because under capitalism, everything is reduced to a
commodity.” This is a literal, not figurative, truth.
The case of Guatemala’s missing children and the aggressive
international adoption industry that grew during and after the US-supported
civil war highlight the criminal aspects of the capitalist system. These
crimes—based on genocide, carried out through trafficking, and maintained by
the continued suffering of millions—are not isolated incidents. Instead, they
result from specific class interests and deliberate imperialist policies.
As noted, the genocide in the early 1980s was carried out
with direct US support. The UN Historical Clarification Commission found that
“the Guatemalan military and state caused 93 per cent of the deaths.” Entire
Indigenous communities were eradicated. Under General Efraín Ríos Montt, the
army conducted ‘nearly 600 massacres in a scorched-earth campaign,’ destroying
between 70 and 90 per cent of Ixil Maya villages. This was more than mass
murder; it was a violent restructuring of Guatemalan society to serve the
interests of the national bourgeoisie and its imperialist allies. The
destruction of families, communities, and social systems paved the way for a
new era of exploitation: the commodification of children.
A Market Built on Genocide
The adoption industry that emerged in the 1980s and 1990s
was not driven by humanitarian concern for war victims. Instead, it functioned
as a market fueled by the violence of US imperialism. Many children were
“stolen, coerced from impoverished families, or simply taken after military
operations and funnelled into an industry that regarded Guatemalan children as
commodities." This sector was managed by lawyers, judges, police, military
personnel, and international organisations. It was maintained through bribes
and justified with the rhetoric of “rescue." However, fundamentally, it
was an extension of counterinsurgency strategies. The same government that
massacred Indigenous parents was also selling their children abroad.
The United States and Europe, whose governments provided
arms to the Guatemalan military, became primary destinations for these
children. The imperialist powers responsible for the destruction of Guatemalan
society ultimately absorbed its displaced populations, transforming the victims
of genocide into commodities for middle-class consumption.
The Continuity of Social Crime
The causes behind this trafficking continue and have
deteriorated over time. Guatemala now has a poverty rate of 59.3%, with nearly
half of all children suffering from chronic malnutrition. Child welfare
institutions remain unsafe, exemplified by the 2017 “safe home” fire that
killed dozens of girls locked inside by authorities. In 2016, one facility
alone reported 73 disappearances.
These horrors are not just remnants of past conflicts, but
an ongoing reality under a capitalist system that subjects the masses to
repression, hunger, and forced migration. The Guatemalan bourgeoisie—corrupt,
self-interested, and heavily dependent on US imperialism—maintains control over
a society in ruin. The former guerrilla group, URNG, has long since shifted
away from the working class and become part of the state apparatus. Their
trajectory underscores the failure of all nationalist and Stalinist movements.
Imperialism’s Ongoing War Against the Poor
The fate of Guatemala’s disappeared children is deeply
linked to the deaths of Guatemalan migrants in US custody. The same imperialist
power that supplied arms to the Guatemalan military now also detains Guatemalan
children at the border. The pattern is evident: from scorched-earth campaigns
to militarised borders; from kidnapping Indigenous children to separating
migrant families; from mass graves in the highlands to anonymous graves in the
desert. These are not isolated tragedies but symptoms of a global system that
devalues human life.
II.The Genocidal Foundations of the Adoption
Industry
Rachel Nolan’s book appropriately highlights the UN
Historical Clarification Commission’s conclusion that “the Guatemalan military
and state caused 93 per cent of the deaths,” a figure that destroys the myth of
an equal-force “civil war.” The Guatemalan government, supported by Washington
through weapons, training, and funding, waged a brutal war against the rural
poor. During Ríos Montt’s regime, the army conducted “nearly 600 massacres in a
scorched-earth strategy,” destroying entire communities. In the Ixil region,
“between 70 and 90 per cent of its villages” were wiped out. These numbers are
not just statistics; they form the basis for child disappearances, as the
army’s massacres of parents left infants and toddlers as casualties of war.
The counterinsurgency teachings at the School of the
Americas explicitly portrayed Indigenous communities as a “breeding ground” for
subversion. Disrupting the family was not accidental but a deliberate goal. The
adoption industry that arose in the 1980s and 1990s can be seen as a
privatised, commodified extension of this governmental strategy.
III.The Adoption Industry as Counterinsurgency by Other
Means
The book states that children were “stolen, coerced from
destitute families, or simply taken after military operations and funnelled
into an adoption industry that regarded Guatemalan children as commodities.”
This aptly describes a system where lawyers, judges, police, military
personnel, and international adoption agencies worked together to profit from
the social destruction caused by the war.
Rachel Nolan’s research shows that the adoption system was
not an isolated criminal operation but a sanctioned market. The Guatemalan
bourgeoisie, which had gained wealth through land theft, repression, and US
support, realised that Indigenous children's bodies could be turned into cash.
The United States and Europe—governments
that supported the killers—became the main buyers of these children. This
exemplifies imperialism: demolition of a society followed by the extraction of
value from its remains.
IV.Postwar Guatemala: The Continuity of Social Crime
An article in the WSWS reported on the 2017 “safe home”
fire, where dozens of girls were burned alive after being locked in by state
authorities. It highlights that “in 2016 alone, there were 73 disappearances
from just one facility.” These numbers show that the violence apparatus did not
dismantle with the 1996 peace accords but was instead repurposed. The same
government that carried out massacres against Indigenous communities now
oversees: • youth shelters that act as prisons and brothels, • widespread malnutrition—“nearly
half of all Guatemalan children suffer chronic malnourishment"— • and a
societal structure where “59.3 per cent of the population lives in
poverty.”
The URNG, formerly guerrilla fighters, now serves as an
administrator of austerity. The document correctly notes that they “abandoned
the class struggle after the peace accords” and integrated into the bourgeois
state. Their path is similar to that of the FMLN in El Salvador and the
Sandinistas in Nicaragua: nationalist movements that cannot escape the limits
of capitalism.
This article argues that child trafficking stems from
capitalism’s tendency to treat all human lives as commodities, an intrinsic
feature. The genocides and the adoption industry are not moral failings but
structural elements of a system that demands the dissolution of communal
landownership and the control of labour. The Guatemalan bourgeoisie, which
depended on US capital, relied on fear and extracting profit from every human
interaction. Unable to create an independent national project, its survival hinged
on oppressing the rural poor and opening the country to foreign markets,
including those for children. The nationalist guerrilla groups, influenced by
Stalinist and Maoist ideas of a "two-stage revolution,” subordinated the
working class through alliances with the bourgeoisie. Their defeat was not
predetermined but resulted from a flawed strategy.
VI.The International Dimension: Migration, Death, and the
Global Market
The book clearly links the missing children to migrants
killed in US custody. The same imperialist nation that provided arms to the
Guatemalan military also detains Guatemalan children at the border. The pattern
is clear: from scorchedearth strategies to ICE detention facilities; from
military kidnappings to family separations; from disappeared children in the
highlands to those held in US custody. These are not isolated tragedies but
components of a coordinated global exploitation system.
VII.Conclusion: The Necessity of Revolutionary
Internationalism
The missing children of Guatemala are not just remnants of
past conflicts; they are living proof of capitalism’s ongoing war against
humanity. Their situation condemns not only the Guatemalan government but the
entire imperialist system.
The fight for justice for these children cannot be carried
out through NGOs, nationalist parties, or corrupt Guatemalan institutions.
Instead, it requires building a revolutionary Marxist movement in Guatemala,
connected to the international working class and guided by the goal of a global
socialist revolution.
