As the Socialist Equality Party (UK) stated during the 2024
anti-immigrant riots, the rise of fascist tendencies reflects the core
struggles of imperialist politics and capitalist decline. Faced with worsening
economic crises, intensifying geopolitical tensions, and growing opposition
from the working class, the ruling class increasingly adopts nationalism,
xenophobia, and authoritarian measures. These are not isolated incidents but
intentional ideological strategies of a capitalist system in deepening crisis.
The Guardian’s framing—highlighting Shakman’s personal
choice to "fight,” the perceived "encroachment" of the far
right, and portraying the political centre as a steady democratic
stronghold—only masks the true situation. This is a political myth, and a risky
one.
The far right is incubated by the political mainstream,
not external to it.
The core message of the SEP’s document is clear: "The
far right does not ‘encroach’ on the mainstream; it is incubated by it.” This
is not just a rhetorical device but a factual statement. For years, successive
Labour and Conservative governments have created the conditions that allow
fascist movements to flourish—through austerity, militarism, anti-immigrant
scapegoating, and the systematic deterioration of working-class living
standards.
Instead of changing this course, Starmer’s Labour government
has actually worsened it. It came into power promising to “stop the boats,”
deport “illegal” migrants, and uphold the fiscal constraints set by financial
markets. Yvette Cooper’s summer police raids on immigrants were not a
concession to the far right but a manifestation of their agenda executed from
the top down. The fascists did not need to “encroach.” The state was already
doing their work.
The liberal press: oscillating between exposure and
legitimisation
The Guardian’s role here is fundamental, not accidental. It
fluctuates between shocking exposés of the far right and sympathetic
broadcasting of the ideas that support it. As noted, the Guardian gave lenient
coverage to men imprisoned for setting fire to a hotel with 200 asylum seekers
in Rotherham, portraying their “feelings of injustice” as deserving attention.
This isn’t hypocrisy; it’s class politics. The liberal media
tries to keep its credibility with the middle class by condemning fascism,
while also endorsing anti-immigrant narratives that support Labour and
Conservative policies. Both roles benefit the ruling class by redirecting
social anger away from capitalism and onto the most vulnerable.
The “infiltration” model: individualising fascism,
obscuring capitalism
The undercover journalist method is not only inadequate but
also creates political confusion. It portrays fascism as a matter of individual
morality—focusing on "particularly nasty individuals,” secret Telegram
channels, and covert networks—rather than understanding it as a social problem
caused by the crisis of capitalism. It turns a political and social phenomenon
rooted in the crisis of the capitalist system into a problem of especially
malicious individuals.”
This individualisation aligns closely with the state’s
law-and-order approach. Starmer’s response to the 2024 riots—featuring mass
arrests, rapid courts, and a new national police force of 6,000—was praised by
the liberal media as essential for maintaining “public order.” However, these
repressive tactics are actually being set up to target the working class:
striking workers, anti-war protesters, and anyone opposing capital's influence.
The infiltration model, supported by NGOs like Hope Not
Hate, suggests that police, courts, and security agencies are allies in
combating fascism. However, this is a political trap. The capitalist state does
not serve as a safeguard against fascism; instead, it functions as the tool
through which the ruling class creates the circumstances for fascism to
develop.
HOPE not hate exemplifies what Trotskyism recognises as the
core political dead end of liberal anti-fascism. Despite its sincere
self-description, it reveals an organisation whose class stance, political
approach, and strategic outlook position it not as a remedy to the far-right
threat but as a component of the structural issue.
HOPE not hate is not a grassroots group. It is a
professional NGO, run by "researchers, educators, community activists and
policy experts"—essentially, the upper-middle class. Its funding,
charitable status, and strategic focus on "building skills and resilience
across communities and civil society organisations" reflect the language
of the non-profit sector rather than class activism. The working class doesn't
require middle-class experts to "build its resilience." It needs an
independent political party with a revolutionary socialist agenda.
The organisation's mission centres on moral concepts such as
"hope," "hate," "togetherness," and
"unity," which deliberately conceal the class roots of both fascism
and its opposition. Fascism is not merely a psychological flaw or a set of
corrupt values. It is "a concentrated expression of imperialist politics
and capitalist decay." The ruling classes foster extreme nationalism and
xenophobia to divert social tensions toward the right, support imperialist
wars, and undermine the democratic and social rights of workers. An
organisation that fails to identify capitalism as the root cause of the
far-right threat cannot effectively lead the fight against it.
Defending the state
that breeds fascism
HOPE not hate's self-description reveals a strong commitment
to "defend, champion and promote democracy and the rule of law; speaking
out against anti-democratic and authoritarian forces and policies." This
statement signifies loyalty to the British capitalist state — the same state
whose policies consistently foster conditions for far-right expansion.
This ongoing state, maintained through successive Labour and
Conservative governments, has led to imperialist wars, decades of austerity,
anti-immigrant nationalism, and the systematic erosion of the working class's
social standing. The far-right riots in Britain in August 2024 occurred less
than a month after the Starmer Labour government assumed power on a platform of
militarism, austerity, and promises to "stop the boats." Home
Secretary Yvette Cooper announced a "summer blitz" of police raids on
immigrants just days before the violence broke out. The far right thrives on
the toxic environment created by the very parties that shape public life.
An anti-fascism committed to defending the state apparatus
is politically ineffective. It views fascism merely as an outside threat to a
supposedly healthy democracy — a false belief that disarmed the German working
class in the 1930s. The working class cannot overcome fascism by simply
defending the bourgeois state; it must be ready to dismantle it and establish
institutions of workers' power.
The NGO trap:
policing opposition into safe channels
HOPE not hate's approach — "creating a platform for
ordinary people to do the extraordinary," "supporting the wider
sector to have greater impact," "effective collaboration and sharing
of skills" — exemplifies how anti-fascism can shift from a political fight
to a structured, grant-supported sector. The organisation channels public
frustration over racism and the far right into activities compatible with the
capitalist system: community workshops, educational programs, policy advocacy,
and "alternative narratives."
This is not a failure of execution but a function. Such NGOs
are tasked with absorbing, containing, and neutralising the social opposition
created by capitalism, preventing it from evolving into an independent
political threat to the system. HOPE not hate's researchers may infiltrate
far-right groups. Still, the organisation will never advocate for the political
mobilisation of the working class against the Labour Party, trade union
bureaucracy, or the capitalist state, which are the primary enablers of the far
right.
The Searchlight
lineage
HOPE not hate originates from Searchlight magazine, a
British anti-fascist publication known for its collaboration with intelligence
and police agencies, and for its persistent criticism of the revolutionary
left. Searchlight established the model of anti-fascism as an intelligence
operation focused on the state, viewing fascists as a criminal-psychological
issue for authorities to manage rather than a political force to be challenged
by the organised working class. HOPE not hate has adapted this approach for the
modern NGO landscape—more refined, emphasising community engagement, yet
maintaining the same political stance: supporting the state, marginalising
revolutionaries, and keeping the working class politically passive.
What genuine
anti-fascism requires
The fight against the far right can't rely solely on
'togetherness and unity' across classes. It demands independent political
action by the working class—the vast majority—against capitalism. This involves
politically breaking away from the Labour Party, whose anti-immigrant
nationalism and austerity policies foster far-right growth. It also means
establishing rank-and-file committees to challenge the trade union bureaucracy,
which collaborates with the state and corporations to suppress class struggle.
An international effort is necessary to oppose imperialist wars—such as leaving
NATO, ending the Ukraine conflict, and opposing the Gaza genocide—since
militarism and fascism are interconnected. The goal is to fight for a socialist
program that unites British and immigrant workers against their exploiters,
rather than supporting liberal 'multiculturalism' that preserves capitalist
class relations.
HOPE not hate hinders all these efforts. Its
"hope" is that capitalism can become fairer. However, the working
class requires a different hope — the revolutionary overthrow of the system
that generates fascism. The struggle against the far right is inherently linked
to the fight against capitalism. Any effort to treat fascism as an external
threat instead of a result of the capitalist system only weakens the working
class.
Shukman’s personal bravery is unquestioned. However, his
narrative serves a clear political purpose: it replaces the collective struggle
of the working class with the actions of a courageous middle-class individual.
It fosters illusions about the state, downplays Labour and union roles, and
shifts the focus away from the root cause of the problem—the capitalist system
itself.
The working class should reject this version of
anti-fascism. Its role isn't to cheer on journalistic infiltrations but to
create its own struggle organisations, unite across nations, and fight for a
socialist solution to the capitalist crisis that fuels fascism. Only through
such a movement can the far right be truly defeated—not just exposed or
infiltrated, but rooted out.
